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TRUTH IS POWERFUL,
VOL.”
NEW-YORK, SATURDAY, MAY 21, 1825.
AND WILL PREVAIL. *
NOLS. °
| ERELAND.
. —>—
LETTER FIRST.
ne
TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND.
‘Lhe nations have fallen, and thou still art young,
: Thy sun is just rising, when others are set;
“And tho’ slavery’s gloom o’er thy morning hath hung,
‘The full moon of freedom shall beam round thee yet. -
Merrion-square, Sth April, 1825.
Fettow CounTryMeN, . .
The subject of this letter is equally interesting to
all parties, and to all religious denominations. e
are all equally interested in the prosperity of Ireland.
If the Catholics be, as they are, the more numerous,
the Protestants certainly are the more wealthy. The
latter cannot enjoy their wealth, the former cannot en-
crease or even maintain theif’ store, without domestic
peace and harmony.. And as to christian charity, it
inust be. constantly banished from the land, where
party spirit prevails, and religious animosities disturb
and afiright every class of socicty. a
We are all equally interested in the tranquillity of
Ireland; but. it is not possible to expect permanent
tranquillity in this country, whilst it contains discor-
‘dant materials, and whilst one portion of the people is
unjustly depressed, and another unfairly elevated —
‘There cannot, perhaps there ought not, to be perma-
‘nent tranquility where there is an inequality of civil
rights, "Ireland, in short, cannot rest in a settled and
secure peace, until the Catholics are Emancipated.
But Emancipation, to be salutary, should possess
-two qualities—it should be conciliatory in its applica-
tion to the Catholics—it should be satisfactory in its
arrangements to the Protestants. Without these two
qualities, conciliation to the Catholics, satisfaction: to
the Protestants, Emancipation is not desirable, It
would otherwise be but a change and shitting of evil,
It would be better to endure the ills that we know of,
and which caz be remedied, than to plunge into new
causes of dissention, and involve ourselves in untried
difficulties, from which we may not so casily escape.
At present we know the cure for our evils—it is an
Emancipation, equally conciliatory to the Catholics
and satisfactory to. the Protestants, _-
\ To possess these qualities, Emancipation should not
be doled out by a grudging.or ungenerous hand. It
should not be flung to us, as an alms to hungry beg-
gars; not a charity given, but a bribe extorted, by
‘inportunity, On the ‘other side, it should be, (and
it is,) sought for by us, not as a victory to be gained
over our countrymen, but asa right required equally
by good feeling and justice. There should be on our
side no insolence of triumph, no airs of conquest ; we
should in the spirit of heartfelt gratitude, receive the
boon as doubly dear to us;—first, because of its own
great and intrinsic value; and secondly, because it
would enable us to cultivate the affections, and obtain
the social friendship of our fellow-countrymen, who
differ from usin religious belief. i
This is just the moment to have Emancipation con-
ceded on these’ terms, and accepted of in this manner,
England is now in peace, in strength, in power, and in
lory. When former concessions were made‘ to the
Trish Catholics, England was in danger, or in distress;
ormer concessions seemed to have been wrung from
her wants, or her weakness. A concession: now can
be attributed only to her bounty and her generous
justice, . This emphatically is the moment’ when
Emancipation may be granted in the mode which can
make it perfectly conciliatory to the Catholic and
quite satisfactory: to the Protestant, . eae
It ismy anxious wish to obtain Emancipation in
this mode. It is the business of every well-wisher of
ject—it is the sacred duty of every sincere Christian
to seek for this arrangement, | Such an arrangement
can at present be attained.’ It can now be easily
completed,
A sketch, as full as 1 can make it, of the proposed
details of the measure of Emancipation will, it is be-
lieved, convince every Catholic of the ‘inestimable
blessings which that measure offers to him; whilst it
will, I trust, equally persuade the protestant, that
he has nothing to fear, and’ every thing to hope for,
from the generous concession of our rights and liber-
hes,
It is my intention in this, and, perhaps, two letters
more, to state,—first, the details of the Emancipa-
tion bill, brought into Parliament, by Sir Francis
Burdett ; secondly, to. give the fullest information I
can on the two additional measures, of a provision
for the, Catholic Clergy, and of the alteration in the
elective franchise; and, lastly, to. point out, as well
as Tam able, the prospects and the sources of suc-
cess,
I was, I confess, extremely desirous to prevent any
premature discussion amongst the Catholics on this
subject. It was no idea of shrinking from discussion
upon the real merits of the question, that influenced
that desire. * It was’ singly and simply:a_ wish, that a
knowledge of the facts should precede discussion, and
that there should not be any debate upon matters then
in embryo, and which might never have taken form or
proportion. But now that the proposed alterations
have assumed a tangible shape and form, it is my duty,
as well as my strong inclination, to call for, and court
investigation, being, for my own humble part, ready
to submit to the public sentiment, the moment that
sentiment is founded on a knowledge of the real facts,
When the real facts shall be before the public, there
appears no reason to doubt the decision, which good
sense and good fecling alike require and sanction.
The first thing necessary for the foundation of just
opinion, is to understand the details of the Bill brought
in by Sir Francis Burdett.” It is right to observe that
he is not responsible for any measure beyond that
Bill,. Ife brings in no clause beyond what that Bill
contains ; and, if that, honest and honourable man
as already’ been’ calumniated as the originator o
other provisions, he will, Lam sure, bear the reproach
with the conscious dignity of not deserving any cen-
sure. In truth, he merits’ nothing but the unmixed
praise and everlasting gratitude of all the people of
Ireland. The Emancipation Bill—the Burdett Bill,
comprises four distinct matters—two of them intend-
ed as benefits to the Catholics—two of them calcula-
ted to be guards and securities to the Protestants. “
“Itis right to reverse, in a slight degree, the order in
which that Bill is drawa. ,{ will begin with the se-
cond clause. ~
The second clause of the Burdett Bill recites the
solemn declarations, or rather the oaths, which all
Protestants are now required to make, “That the
“sacrifice of the’ Mass, and the invocation of the
“blessed Virgin. Mary, and the other Saints, as now
“‘ practised in the Church of Rome, are impious and
“idolatrous. It then abolishes, for ever, these oaths
and declarations,
This clause is an unmixed and great relief. It isa
relief almost equally to the Protestant and the Catho-
lic. Conscientious Protestants have often refused to
take these oaths; and the seruple in the minds ‘of
Protestants has been daily increasing, as they became
better acquainted with the real tenets of the Catho-
lics. The most Jearned among Protestant Divines
have clearly shown, that, although they considered
f] tent.
tention and heart, from adorin;
or any thing but the Godhead, as Protestants can be.’
Itis, therefore, a great relief to the best informed Pro-
testants, to have these oaths abolished, :
» Besides, these oaths were, at all events, . not only
quite unnecessary, but they were cruelly insulting to
the Catholics. Could: thére be a more cruel insult
than to require of any Protestant friend or relation of
mine, to swear that Iam an idolator? It is a great
and permanent relief to the Catholics to have these
oaths taken away. We have long fat their wanton
oppression. . Insults are proverbiaily, worse than in-
juries; but these oaths not only insulted our under:
standing and our religion, but also eflectually exclu:
ded us, by the impossibility of our submitting to take
any sdch oath, ‘
This clause, therefore, of the Bill, is one calculated
to concifiate the Catholics, whom it liberates from int
sult and injury.’ It is also calculated ts give satisfac:
tion to the. Protestants, because it frees their conscicn-
ces from a snare, and dispenses with their inflicting
a crucl insult upon persons, to whom they would wish
to show kindness and regard.
The first clause of the Bill I next treat of, and that
is full and satisfactory. It isa complete emancipation
clause, -It abolishes, for Catholics, the oath of Su
premacy. For that oath it substitutes a considerable
part of the Qualification Oath, which. the Catholics
take at present. It would be better if the oath thus
substituted were shorter: but we take it at present,
and must not be unuecessarily fastidicus,’ “All we get
by it, in its present shape, is, therefore, clear gain.
The effect of this oath will be, to open all offices
and stations to the. Catholics; to place them on a per-
fect political level with the Protestants, with a very
few exceptions—and with exceptions only, of such x
nature, as would in themselves operate exclusion to’
Catholics, » This clause opens both Fouses of Parlia-
ment; the Bench all offices ‘at the Bar; all offices
in the Corporate towns. It legalizes the right to eve-
Ty command in the army and navy, which, at present,
stand upon mere sufferance, | It gives the right to be
Sherifls—it, in short, equalizes the political rights of
all classes, and takes away the very causes of discon-
Let us consider its weight ‘and importance in’
the various relations of socicty.
“Finst.—* The Catholics, at present, are excluded
“from any share in making the laws by which their
“properties are regulated, and by which thetr Lives
“ought to be protected.” Let the honest and just
Protestant only reflect on this, our preseat’ degrada-
tion. ‘The laws which rule us are made by others 5 we
have no participation in framing those laws, ‘The Pro-
testants in Ireland are the smaller number, Let me ask,
is there a single rational Protestant in Ireland, who:
Would not feel indignan; if the Protestants were ex-
cluded from any share in legislation ?Is there one that’
ought not to be indignant at such an exclusion? ‘The
man is base and contemptible who could patiently’
Submit to this exclusion. By such submission, he.
would prove himself unworthy of the benefit of a free
Constitution... Protestant © countrymen We, th
Catholics, have felt (we candidly own it
indignation at this degrading exclusion,
ig any human substance
2
) an honest
Tt has can.’
kered our enjoyments, and embittered all our politieut
feclings, We desire to © your equals, because we
prize Nberty as you do. But, in Proportion as we.
have hitherto painfully felt our degradation, so must
we now be exhilerated and delighted at the transition
from our present state to that of emancipation,
Let me not be told, that but few would profit by
this transition. I admit the number of actual Legis-.
our tenets as erroneous in these particulars, yet they
could not be considered as idolatrous, because, cer-
his country—it is the interest ofcyery seally lovalsub-
res
tainly, the Catholics would be, and are, as fi
n in-}dovn, aud for ever obliter:
lators would be small, Bat the principle of exclusion
is great and fearful—That principle woald be broke
ated. ‘The brand of de-
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