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THE CITIZEN; ism IRDAY,WJcIl;IUiAItY if
nate designations, all intended to resist and make nugstory the
W50 Law. and to enable the sworn members to be, in some mea-
sure, I law unto themselves. For human nature cannot endure utter
and absolute social anarchy. It must have something to hold by.
The public and recognised standard of Right or Wrong held out to
them by the "authorities " being too manifestly a false rule and
measure-there was a necessity to substitute some other. It would
be tedious to go through the whole historyvof the causes and or;
casions on which the hunted and trampled people of Ireland were
driven to the enactment of clause alter clause of the secret codes
p of law. ' It is enough, merely to name the names of the Forfeited
., Estates-the Penal Lalcs-the Church Titles, the Rack-Rents the
Orange Lodges. The houselsss outcasts thrown out upon the
world by repeated English confiscation: of Irish estates, becarue
Rapparees-the poor wretches ground by Penal Laws, which for-
bade Catholics to be educated, to hold land, to possess a lrorss‘ of
. live pounds’ value, to vote, to possess arms and so forth-natu-
- rally organized themselves under the leading of seine Captain
v ‘Rock-the tithes and raclr.rsnts' and cjectments under the false
law. Produced a. crop of armed men with laws and executive of
, their own-these were the White-boys, and their kindred fraterni-
, ties in the south, and the Hearts of Oak, and Hearts-of-Steel in the
North. ‘ Finally, the murderouslsociety of Orangenlen, encouraged
" and armed by the pretended Government, as an additional curb and
torture to the people, begat tho Ribbonmen. So has been
engendered endless, hopeless, enmity, distrust, defiance: an
e atmosphere of curses and horror : ‘an element of vice and hatred,
breeding more vice and hatred for ever. i ‘ . ‘ c , '
It is a horrible scene. But we say deliberately, all the horror of
it is due to the British Govemrueut. Further, we say that although
Secret Societies are in themselves an evil, and although they are
always liable to be used for evil purposes-yet it is better there
should be this kind of protest against the false government than no
protest at all. In fact it was, and still is, altogether ncedful ;
because, all the ‘apparatus called Law and Government being
against the People, to save their very lives they had to organize
some sort of law and government for themselves. The killing of
' V odious landlords, agents, tithe-proctors. balilfs-these have certain-
ly been dreadful atrocities: but by the country-people of Ireland
> they have beenregarded as executions, not murders ;-and they
. I were undertaken‘ from ‘considerations nbt so much of private
revenge, as of public polity. On the other band, the killing of
their perpetrators by “ Law ” has been regarded as foul murder.
We regard both these sorts of killing as murder: for there is no real
Law at either side-but more substantial justice, on the whole,
is done by the “midnight legislators” than by the,Judges of
Assize. - i . , ,
We have heard, through several trustworthy sources, that the
Ribbon Societies are now growing and spreading faster than ever;
’ and that throughout all zlia countics of Ulster and part of
Caruiaught it is not safe Mt to be a Ribbonman. Instead of sup-
porting and taking interest, as they used to do, in the drivelling
“agitations ” which succeed one another to no end-all looking to
1 London law, relying upon legislation in London, and therefore
' ..helping, sustaining the false government that ruins the land-the
Irish peasantry are turning away in despair and disgust, and dis-
posing and preparing themsrlves to defend their lives and hearth-
stones where they can, or to sell them dearly where they cannot
save them. K lv I
Ono oannct cheer them on in such astruggle as this-how much
' better it had been if they had turned out in '48 with their pikes in
good repair, and swept their tynnls oil‘ the island or died in thy
' bold attempt! Still there is more reality and life in this form of
Irish resistance, than in all the whining Tenant-leagues, and bel-
' lowing "brigades,” and dining and spouting “ Irish parties.” that
the Dublin papers are ladcn withal. Ribbollism is at all events a,
dat negation of British Law-a great manufactory and nursery of
disafoction and rebellion ; and one which the ‘ ‘government " will
never be able Io crush. '
H As long as liclsiui shall pretend,
ms Inger-Ioel turned upside down,
To eund upon its smaller rod,
, So long shall live old Root’: renew ll.
' At long to Millions shall kneel do“ n .
To Itk of Thauaxnds for their own,
walls Thousands proudly turn away,
And In the Millions snswsv, nay-E
sclsng the merry reign shall be
' or Clpuin Rock Ind his Family."
1 > me wars. ‘ V H
Tn: chess-moves on the battleground of the world have grown
intensely exciting. , ‘ ‘ . i
Russia and Turkey are both preparing with desperate energy for
the Spring-campaign ; and there is no reason to imagine that they
‘I will not Ice their quarrel out-though stocks should fall and bread-
stutTs Austria. always a false Iriend to Turkey, begins to show
herse an open enemy. - , . - .
Kossuth ha! H0! yet gone to Turkey ; but has been invited : and
he has taken measures to gather the wrecks of his old armies
(ogelher. Hungary ‘ll stirred to the very heart ; and Italy holds her
breath for a time. - ‘ l ' '
Sweden is receiving instructions from Russia, and is creating an
armament on the Baltic: the Dem’! (remembering certain former
transactions) str-engthicnmgrlhe fortllicauons of Copenhagen.
Persia, whlchbelreves in All, has sent formal cartel to Turkey,
whkh believes in Omar, and the challenge has been as formally
‘ accepted. I ' . , c
' England, which believes III notlunz "I llwwnlor -on earth, but
Stock only, does not yet know what to do.’ She ll divided against
herseli The Prince Albert and all the aristocracy of the country
they am‘ not. Turkey, however, trusts not England, or her friend-
ship, and cannot yet have forgotten Ithllmrirla.
France has hitherto acted apparently with England, in the
character of a peace-maker. It would not have been casy hitherto,
foi- those two Powers to differ about their course of action-because
they have done nothing. But France also remembers that British
influence drew her into joining in that ignominious gut‘!-llpcnr of
Navarino: and knows full well that no honor or prom ever came
to France from England‘s fatal friendship. -
Meanwhile that impel-um anuoulicement,-that the combined
lleets of France and England had entered the Black Sea, and were
to keep the peace there vigorously, turns out to be unlruc. Two
ships indeed went to Sinope and carried offsoule of the wounded-
and their surgeons paid them great attention (for which the Czar'a
polite Admiral returns them thanks), but at the same time the Ad-
miral coolly announces that finding a ship with Briish colors at
Sinope, he fired into her and sunk her. Yet there is not one word
of menace even heard from the valiant Briton. Indeed, the Czar
seems perfectly easy about them and their deets--for in fact the in-
structions issued by the Admiralty to the peace-making dect of the
Black Sea are stolcnfwithout acknowledgmcnt, from Dogbcrry's
charge cunts forces. They are to bid any man stand intho prince’:
name but if he will not stand,“‘why then," says Dogbcrry, “take
no note of him, but let him go, and thank God you are rid of a
knave." > Then, “if they meet a thief" (which is not unlikely), Mr.
Dogberry and the Admiralty are precise and explicit upon the
mode of procedure. H You may suspect lulu, by virtue of your
oflice, to be no true man ; and for such kind of men, the less you
meddle or make with them, why the more is for your honesty," “ If
we know him to he a thief,” says Adnairal Dundas (or rcmrld
lmtcllnt-an), f‘ shall we not lay hands on him 1” And the answer
of the Admiralty is a masterpiece of diplomacy-“ Truly by your
odice you may: but they that touch pitch will be defilcd: the most
peaceable way for you, ifyou take a thief, is to let hiln show llim-
self what he is, and steal out of your company.”
The position of Prussia is dubious. She fears Russia citbcr a
friend or enemy, and fears the Berlin barricades still more. Yet
Pnlssia, too, is arming. I ‘ , '
On the wholcpthcre are but two sovereigns in Europe who ran,
to any material extent, guide the storm that is brewing-the Czar
of Russia, and the Emperor ofths French. England and Austria
are second-rate powers now, and wc trust for ever.
Meanwliile, the world pmys for the opening spring, and will
sing it in with such a pcaling, thundering anthem, as no spring
has ever been hailed withal since the Sun and Stars were young.
‘ Poland.-Her Hopes.
A1‘ a late celebration at Paris of the Anniversary of tho Polish
Revolution of I530, Prince Adam Czartoryski addressed, or issued
his “ diplomatic note " on the present state of affairs, and the case
of Poland in particular, to the Polish literary and historical
societies.’ It is stated that the meeting at the Hotel Lambert was
hold by the especial authorization of the police; a fact, which in
the eyes of politicians, invests the occasion with more importance
than usual. The common s.lld plausible deduction under the
present French rigime is that Prince Czartoryskfs spccch may be
taken as a semi-oflicial documcnt of Napoleon against the Czar of
Russia. Another,’ and ‘not less valid evidcncu of Napoleon‘: cog-
nizance of, and concurrence with the speech,is the unrevolntionary
character‘ of tho latter, and the boast of the speaker that he was
“long honored” with the confidence of the French government.
As a“senli-ollicial document" it reiterates, to some extent, the
expressed intentions of France on the Russo-Turkish dillicully;
but is chiefly worthy of attention as regards the peculiar hopes it
shadows forth for Poland. ' ' i
' In considering Czartoryski in connection with his fslhcrland, it
is.chielly by the Polish crown we can connect them, He is I
manifest destiny man, and believes in his yet being king of his
native land. It is his dream-his ambition, as it has hccn the
family mania for over a century. Like all princes, who spcpk “ by
authority,” he tells us that tho gnvemmcuts of Europe desire to
cultivate the “ benefits of peace," which means, Ihe benefits accru-
ing from the incessant working of that badly oiled, but well-ground
machine, the People; yet, notwithstanding the cares of govern-
ment in this respect, hc admits that “war has broken out, and
seems likely to extend.“ ‘
In this exigency he addresses his friends, and entirely disap.
proves of the revolutions of '42. He ssys it is a fallacy and a pup...
lar crror, that Poland is eager for revolution. I-le further states,
that he is the only man who can shape a destiny for Poland, and
arguing himself into this insanity, he speaks for Poland, and libels
both her and history. ' ‘ l , .
“ Cracovv is in the hands of the Poles," dcd like an electric llasll
from the Carpathian Mountains-at whose base the town of Sondcz
wasicaptured by 6000 Poles-to the bald, bleak hills of Kerry and
Donegal, lighting many a smouldering hrs of hope by the way in
1846. A provisional government was installed in the tower ofst.
Christopher, on the evening of the ‘s"..‘d February (“'asliingwn's
birthday), and it had at command ten thousand men, large portions
of whom were peasants-the pnople. The Jews-as WEll'lllP]
might, alter absorbing, byyfavar ofthe nobility, all the iutmst and
commerce of the land-came forward with money to the provisional
government, and the wealthier exiles in Paris sold railway shares
to the amount of .cso,ooo (four-hundred thousand rlullar.->. and wit
it to aid the revolution, while several of the lncn, distinguisllml in
1830, proceeded homcwsrds with the same intent. The revolution
went the way orlh.-it urn. ,
Czartoryski must be aware of these liicts not to enter firthcrmlo
detail, yet he has that reckless sullscicymlaicll mm ll"! Ki" ?‘
princies, to'“lio like truth" in their face. We sadly do-I“ he
would desire to side with Russia, who is their nalural ally; but
patriotic sincerity. I-ls liar a life object in view; on dream orbi-
t
1854. V . ‘ -> 4]
family and of himself to realize. Louis Napoleon appears to
favor the dream and promise aid for its realization. lie is flattered
into abrliefin the Emperor of the French, and the Emperor of the
French has awilling tool in the poor old Pale, who thinks a
crown will vitalise his vain old body. The Emperor Alexander
fooled him in his younger days-, Mettcrnich duped him with pro-
miscs in 1831. Vanity grows with age, and he is not lcss a dupe
in l553.
He labored to produce harmony alutmgst those whom he
addressed, and instilled into them with perhaps too anxious
an eagerness, the necessity of giving him their complete cond-
dcncc, as the only man who had “ not ceased to watch for and
promote everything that could serve the hopes of Poland." Of his
understanding with the French Government, he says :-
“ Above all, I have labored to renew and confirm ancient tradi-
tions of alliance with a people and a government placed in circum-
stances strikingly analogous to Poland. A mutual good-will and
common efforts n the results of these labors. They are
already important, and promise abundant, though as yet unripe,
fruits. cl say more might do harm And yet it is my duty to
aged to your confidence, -which is necessary to vance our
a airs and prevent serious mischief. Political alfalrs of this kind ,
-whic , ' may be, are about to decide our destiny-cannot be
conducted by assemblies, and elections, and votes."
The Prince seems well imbued with the ideas of the Emperor,
and hints naively enough at the “ mutual good-will, dlc," existing
between them. Again, he says :- - v ,
“ This necessity of union among ourselves is well understood
by the overnlnent most interested in our success. And it is not
of late only that I have been honored with its contidcnce. Hence.
gentlemen, there is for me a particular and prcssin motive for the
claim Ihave uraed to our confidence. The post occupy is one
that cannot be Ecsartc ; for I feel that I up useful, and that no
one could replace me at present, and that I alone em in a condi-
tion to lead the national cause with succc
‘Princes make doubtful care-takers of the hopes of nations and
peoples. Czartoryski is of an undoubted “ family of distinction,"
and one which, though having some claims on Poland for its
patriotism, is not entirely free iron. the anttpopulsr and self-
importalzt cllaracteristicu which have made the Polish nobility the
most debasell, ruthless, and exacting from the Volga to the -
Shannon. As a class, they were the enemies of all attempts at
reform and intelligence among the “ serfs," as their tenantry to
this day are designated, When the representative system was K
sought to be adopted their pride ruined the projt-ct. By agreeing
with it, they would lose the power they held as an organized
tyranny. They eat upon the country like a nightmare, dictating
to the Crown, trampling the people, and proscribing the rights of
the mercantile class. With true‘ aristocratic tact, the use of arm-
was prohibited to all outside themselves, and the commerce of the
country was thrown into the hands of Jews and Germans by the
prescription of all business avocations by the people, lest they
might dare becomo independent in person as they became indepen-
dent in purse. The axiom of the Polish ' aristocracy was,
“Nobility is not lost by indigence or domestic servitude, but is
totally destroyed by commerce and industry." Thus they became
dcbased, proud, and a burden upon the soil. Even at this day,
travellers describe the Polish aristocracy as living in a somewhat '
modernized, but still rude, feudal and vagabond luxury. This
state of things, and the internal disscnsions, social, political, and .
religious, springing from it, as false lights wander over lethargic
bogs and foul lnorasscs, leading wayfarers astray, have steeped
Poland in ignorance and ruin. In a word, the nobility, which is
the aristocracy of‘Poland, have been the parrieidcs of Poland.
Even Alison characterizes their system as “odious and danger.
E
n
The Czartoryski ninily have ‘not a blotless cscurslicon, nor clcan
hendsin the history of Poland’: fall. It is not a. century since
they besought the aid of Catherine of Russia against Radziwill, I
native prince; as Diannid Mae lilurrough, of Leinstcr, did of
Henrythe Second, of England. Of course Catherine aided him,
and making her way clear, soon utter marched eight thousand
Russians inlo Lithuania. “Ic cannot follow them, but sntlics to
know that as in the case of Ireland the matter did not end there.
nor has it ended yet, as the presence of Polish exiles in every
country on the earth is the clear witness of.
Czartoryski may speak the mind of the Polish nobles. Amongst
them be is of the highest family"--the noblcst cr the noble;
and this fact in itself-this toleration of an hereditary name or
house-is sufficient to exhibit to Americans one of the great curses
under which Poland covrers, and has shuddcred for centuries.
wu have seen the character of the Polish nobilif,Vv and feel con-
vinced that the cause of Poland-to be of tho family of the young
Eumpean de"“)c[-aging. and linked with which slope It can hope
for success, must be under a populaf. = dvlnocranc, and not an
aristocratic inspiration, and with a dcrnocratle ambition. 1
Poland, with a warlike and I generous race of people, has been
too much like Ireland: sections have fought with sections. Great
houses have warred with great houses. Men have fought and
cites. Political and religiouawars filled up the intervals or pro-
mkad a continuance of other disputes. ,
If Prince Czartorysld'I motives were popular, we should expect
to find him siding with the accredited and recognized revolution-
ary lcolsrs of Young Eurorm "0 it I Wines. and cannot forget.
his dignity; he Sltll‘l with princes, and relies on thcir aid. W's do
not believe he is to Poland all he would persuade the Poles and us
he is. If Incl! Slwuld happen to be true, then alas for Poland-
her case is even worse than we had imagined. . l ‘
my .
On Friday. in this city, eighteen persons were arrested in the
Six”! Wlfdr on bcnch warrants, having been indicted for selling
liquor without license. l
bled for names, not principles. These are the edicts of arisIocra- ‘
