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40' T T T TT T T THTE: (TITIZEN, EAhmDAY, JANUARY
21, 1854.
3tISlIItl'ST iii tllilrrresgmzhenls.
“K. H." s of us to “beware of Ixaspcruting the Abolllionlsls." "A
CA'l’IIDl.lG” enlrents us “lot to excite the hostility or the Cult 3’ A
gentleman W van hi it expo nisleswllh us about our “Ilippnnl
nights.” H A Youno Inl.lmn:ll" wants
is ntlrlsh Ribbonisnl, which leads us to
Are. We are tired or all these Urugu-
or
r
soy. no lust lnqnuer,ltovvever, “A Young lrelxndcr,"wlll tin .
her, I further explanation of mu Visit‘! in the matter of Rlbbaniam.
"Lruoox Luv" sslre our udvlu (ironically, we (car) is lo the course good but
Itiruty nlllzenu ought In In us, In case of the Law being snarled in the
be oh: on end enforced ; on
per ‘cw I7rk, rne executive power or
ltnngth Indvcsoluliun in c it out.
p e to dis-
sanction of
loosen and destrov the very hon or civil society.
I’! they huvs no W Iimlusl liquor. Andlf (E
" the law ullovv hlru there. be can retreat from slow to
- colirnrnin. when we line no rlnlts will continue lo he sold ror e good
, Whlln. In flat, they will probably lull his time. ‘
" A Gllrlnt" (Cincinnati).-lit noticing the Bedinl riot at Boston, the lac-
turer did not ch: e th with murderous intentions. on t e con-
trnry. nlinonru the srst version or its story vv-us the only one that use than
pee , he too: we to lay tour he Iuntvuscd the Germans menu to do the
Nunrlo no harm, “ bill merely to givn him A szrenude backwards. We no,
tudsod, well plesneo to know that this who are right view or the ease.
I " P. MAG S.”-WI have relwivbd your lntlignlllt leller lbont Tan: and llnrltc.
WI thought every Lin, It lollal. at-cry lrllltman, knew that those dlstlnA
, more is . wine distinction
mun, nor every lnrlnnnn u Celt, just or every Enzllsllmlxn is not e snecn,
nor every American en Anglo-Suxou. Lllms, r
uence s n was. moreover,
trounced the seniors or the French revolution. Theobald w
, ions of mission: stump. Every lrlsll celr ought to reel proud or the greet
repnollcon rnertyr ol"D5. vru more men than me cells themselves. in
the wards or Tllnmul Dsvis- r
' - "ll Eodclrstown elinrcnyrnl there is s green grave, .
reely nro-min lot Winlcl‘ win s rnve; V
I-‘Ir better their unit lm-the ruin and gloom- .
‘nu la n: .
=
n-
-s
u o
Pin ri , o know wh
- or the puhlic tooling und intorrnsrionl we shall come brick to the llthjcct.
I ' ood '
Glvtng,s.l llelline, cre tto runny or our critics for pr. icon it and s
cc ty, w r all rlenvor, next week, to “clear their minds or corn.” ml
- lnen,lhrewe -on , .
Funnels lettr.-risin type, but cannot rppeur this week. ‘ . '
' . rlorrcz. ‘
rersosninlhis eiry, ml the ntljolning clties,vvishiu: to subscribe tor the
‘ rrpsr, nrsrequeslen to cull at the cities, or send me sniollnl orrhcir Subarrlp
mm. as no corners or other persons outside srcsurhorlcrd to receive money tor
“Ts: crrlmr" in Idvsu . .
nu Lellrn ror Mr. lllxchcl ore to be addressed to No. 3 sprncs street, New
. York.
, The vrrlxerl or all letters connected with lltomlrtness arrangements of '- run
or
rlzslv," In rerurretl to the naliucellon an me let pugs. The Iyslern than
gnunounced will be rigidly Idhercd to.
THE 7-CITIZEN. f
NEW YORK, SATTIRDAY, JANUARY 21.13.54.
7% POPE.-ESSAY 1?.‘ 171351. >
“ Tan Clrrzcsz," having been established as a political and liter-
’ Tary,and altogether sccular journal, has, propcrly speaking, no more
to do with the Pop: of Roma than with the Archbishop of Can-
terbury. Yet, we End that we are continually warned against the
Pope by friendly monitors, threatened with the Pope by hostile
- critics, “ pitted” against the Pope by sporting newspapers, until, at
' last, a superstitious awe begins to creep over us. VVs begin to be
haunted by a veritable apparition with three hats upon what sccm
its bad.
It is best, in such a case, to boldly face the thing, and examine
what there is inside of it, and why it-visits thus the glimpsus of
the moon, and scares slcep from our pillow byvrllght. .
r ; An opportunity for this inquiry, and a suggestion to aid it,
have luckily come to us together. ' T‘ -
I -A .“Truc Friend" (Pittsburgh) warns us that if “ Tu: Clrrzrx"
, persists in treating the cause of Irish freedom as in branch of the go-
neral cause of European nationalities, we shall make an enemy of
the Catholic Church; and he points out to us how promptly some
“organs” of that Church have already assailed as Another
L gentleman in VVnshingtou has taken the trouble to clip out the fol-
. lowing singular advertizerdent from a Baltimore paper:
Joan Mrrcszl.’s new paper, “ The CXTIZEN," is received, and for
5”‘ by with 5! 9“?! Taylor. the great newspaper men. ow
freeman, you that dorm can what tllcrope afRon1e rlzyr, buy " Tm:
Glmlzx." and show the world that Americans dare express their
own opinions. o . . . .
.. Still, the rope or Rome! ' ' r
, ‘ 5 “lg r In we do agree with him that the
“PPY““““ <'“'=‘?""1I-=-,favlposrer case ofoppression than all the
M‘ "‘ E‘“"'P‘ W‘ ‘W’? W1 further. we admit his position “that
- l . . . . '
the redemption of that one nationality in quite enough for one man
-nd one newspaper. God knows it is. Bill there are comp. man.
' to every end, audlwe are bound to look to all the ‘.,,,,,; ehments
and forces that are now arraying themselves for the next Euro-
pnn struggle; otherwise, we shall never know who are our
allies and who our enemies. For, in this stirring uge,wben there
is so much intercommunication of thought, by the press and by
the swarm: of exiles that: roam the whole earth over, breathing
revolution, it is evident that no one effort to win national freedom
for a single country can he an isolated struggle. The British go-
vernment, indce , is Ireland’: sole original enemy; but clearly,
wherever the Bri sh government has a fee, there is Ireland's
friend-and, in like manner, England’s friends are Ireland's ene-
mies. - . -
' Now the fast friends at‘ the British Government are Austria,
Prussia, and (as against democracy) Russia too : for however those
powers may quarrel diplomatically, they are a band of brothers
against the German, Italian, Polish, Hungarian, English, and Irish
People. Of the French Emperor we say nothing at present, be-
cause his position and intentions are dubious : neither is it worth
while to enumerate the various small kinglets, archdukes, and the
like, mere dependants, pensioners, followers, sutlers,
relations of the Great Powers, who must inevitably (if those Great
Powers fall) be swept out with the rest of the ruin. Alnd while
those Great Powers are handed against the unions, can the nations
give each other no help against them l-are they not even to recog-
nise one unother’s existence’! l ' r . T .
There tire certain formulas of words that cunning people use to
frighten stupid people. One of these is “ Red Republicanism."
And some men who profess much zeal for the cause of Ireland
against England, tell us that this, inlleed, is the cause of Eccdom,
but that the cause of Italy, or of Hungary, or of.Sicily, is Red
Rcpublicarusm, Socialism, impiety, everything hateful, murderous,
and abominable :-which is dire nonsense. Of all the countries
above numed,t.hcre is not one thatis not more lattes for republican
institutions, and for tho wise and just use ofthcm, than Ireland is.
VVhatevera fewT outrageous jacohins may vocifemte, the thing which
E.
..
.3.
“T those nations all really want is to manage their own slfairs, by
tbrir own elected servants-to assess their own taxes and to spend
them-to secure to every man, willing to work, that tield for his
labor which his bounteous mother-earth can abundantly atford hi.m
-to make sure that all men‘ shall be equal before the Law, on that
one class or order may not be born withits foot upon the neck: of
other classes and orders-to abolish intolerance, persecutions, dis-
abilities for religious causes. In short, whatall those nationswant
is precisely what Ireland wants, precisely what America has.
Their “ Red ’Republ'lcauisln " is exactly of the same color and
shade as the Republicanism we see in New York-just so red, and
no redder. We protsst that we like the color and the pattern.
And it makes no tlifcrcnce in the world whether the tyrant
dynasty that keeps aTn2tion from the natural rights of civilized men,
e a Protestant or I Catholic dynasty, or neither. If the brutal
and perjurcd ruiiian of Hapsburg professes to believe in seven sacra-
ments, he is only 5 sevcntytimes sevenfold greater Villain for that
false and hypocritical profession; and if the Queen of England
really believes in two sacraments, we will only say it must be a bad
religion.‘ Let us get rid of cant. The great fact of this age is that
Despotism and Liberty aro 8rlll.lTlg themselves for mortal combat ;
and, beyond all doubt, true religion is on the side of Librrty and
Justice. T , i ' V
But our friendly cal-respondent assures us that the Pope and the
Catholic Church are rangctl on the sidc of Desputism. There is
same mistake here. It may help to clear up the mistake, if we
consider that the Pope of Rome is udouble personage, and has two
distinct characters. Or rather then) are two Popes-the one is E
bishop, the other is u prince-tho Bishop-Pope is God's vicegerent
upon earth-the Prince-Pope is Austria's vicegcrent at Rome.
The Bishop has the power of the spiritual keys, the power to bind
and to loose, to bless and to han,%nd dcrivos it (for augllt We
know) from a divine commission. The Prince has the keys of the
castle of St. Angela, and has power to lock up man‘: bodies llurrc,
power to tax ‘and to line, power to hang and to shoot, and derives’
these latter powers from the bloody bayonets of Austria, and, we
are ashamed to say, France. But there is no occasion why the
Bishop of Rome should also be Princc of Ibome. And perhaps he
would be inure to Bishop if he were less a Prince. while the Pope
was in exile at Avignon,wllils he was a prisoner to Charles. V.,he
was not the less Head of the Church, and had not the less power
to bind and to loosei V Moreover the temporal power is one which
may at any timc,and even soon, be taken away from im-because
as Prince he is merely one of the small fry of kinglcts and Serena
I-lighnesses, waiters upon Providence and the “Great Powers ;”
but as Bishop, his sea is founded upon a. rock, arid neither Red Re-
publicanisui nor the very Gates of Hell can prevail against it. Do-
mocracy has no desire, and no power, to deprive the Bishop of any
particle of his ‘spiritual dominion ;-but Democracy in Rome as-
suredly seeks to dcthrone the Prince. And of course the Prince
seeks to crush Democracy. I I
Now we know that we are treading on perilous ground: but we
shall go on without shrinking; because this is a point on which
many well-mcaning pcrnons want clear irlcas. W's srly not one
word about the doctrines or the disciplips of any church: we would
not, if we could, disturb the faith of a single Catholic in any single
dogma of his religion. But we say it is not true that the Church,
or the Pops as Head of the Church, is at slllconccrntzd in the cause
of despotism, or at all avcrsl: from universal Republicanism. On
the contrary, Rcpulallcrlnism claims the Church for a potent ally;
and one at least of the greatest Catholic dlvincs has long since given
his voice for accepting that alliance, and guiding the inevitable
rnavclllcnt to good and sztlutrlry ends. ' .
We will not believe that the Catholic clergy are hostile to the
British power merely becausd it is a Protestant power, and stlind
by the Emperor of Austria because he is a Catholic tyrant. ‘ If the
Church has these last few years r-nnged itsclfagainst Democracy in
Europe, we prefer attributing the circumstance to that systematic
repugnancs which minillten of religion fcel against bloodshed and
confusion, and perhaps also to the wild theories andviolent designs
of some of the more more desperate revolutionists. And these
things are assuredly mischievous and tlangcrous,4but are they so
horrible an evil as the huge standing armies, the tyraunous police-
systcul, the wholesale imprisonments and transportatious by which
they are suppressed for the present? No, we dcfy all the .lacol:in-
ism, Sarlsculottism, Rcll Republicanism in the world to breed so
much misery, vice and ruin as the Peace and Order of the last five
ears have brought upon Europe. ,
we conclude, then, that in the‘ approaching struggle the Church
and the Pope will not he found arrayed in support of tyrants. The
Pope, we mean, who is Head of the Church; for as to the other
Pope, we fear his principality must go tbc way of the rest of the
principalities. His dethronement will be no dama o to religion.
The court, and army, and police, and spies, and hangmen of Rome
are no part of the Church: And even as a temporal dominion, it is
but. a‘ shabby and paltry concern, unworthy of the successor of
Peter. x I 4 ‘ i
Of the two Popes, in short, we count one our friend, and the
other our enemy 2 we would even crave this aid of the Bishop against
the Prince l-end whenever hereeiter we hear talk of “the Pope," . '
1ohichPopel ‘, r., ..- .
we shall straightwlzy inquire,
EISH ‘SECRET SOCIETD-L5.
’ Tue citizen of a country possessing a real government and law,
may well be thankful to God for it. , There is no crucllet evil under
the sunthah the cternal struggle bctwecu natural justice and false
law-the latter always clothing itself in purest ermine, seating itself
in high placcs, going rsspectably to church, canting with solemn
tongue; the former hiding from the light or clay, gnashing the
teeth in impotent ragsslt the irretrievable wrong that everywhere
walks abroad-sometimes even ready to believe itself the criminal
that ten thousand pulpits, presses, bl.-llchcs of magistrates daily call
it. Here is anutter confusion, or rather destruction, of the ideas
of right and wrongwand the result is an atmosphere of falsehood
and debasement, to breathe which is moral death.
This is an exact description of Ireland for the last filly-three
years. , ‘ , ‘ p , . , . .
‘ First : there is in Ireland no Government and no Law. . It is not
needed, in order to prove this first position, that we should cite the
deliberate opinions of jurists and statesmen delivered While the
“Union " Act was pending. There are two simple tests liy which
all man may know that the British powcr in Ireland is not a
gcvverntucnt but a machinery for plunder and oppression. One test. v
is, that the inllabitants of lreluntl, a most fertile island, with super-
abundant harvests and innumerable herds of cattle, rlcvcr get food
enough to eat. By itself this is enough. But there is another,
and more farlllal test-that no nlall prosecuted by the pretended
“ government ” can have a fair trial, or indeed a trial at all. , That
is to say, the thing called Law does not (as real Law ought to do)
govern the government, but is used by the government in order to
destroy its enemies under a false prctcnce.‘ Tllc instances of this '
kind are innumerable, and well known. .
. And the absolutely lawless ‘ state of Ireland has bcen often
enough asserted by her greatest public ulcn. D‘Briell, a man of
!nD(‘lCl"r1liOll and candor, and by nature and habits of thought con-
servative in his tendencies, has declared more tllan once, that obe-
dience to what is called Law in Ireland, is a matter of prudence
and expgdiency only. ‘O'Connell has proclaimed the same thing ; .
but hc (poor old nisiqzrius lawyer that ho wits) always cried out at
the same tilric, obey the Into-obey "even the pretence of law--u
miserable and fatal mistake. ' .
Can an American, who helps to mitltc his own laws, and who
feels llirnsclfiu the highest sense of the word, a citizen-can even
an Englisllmrln or a Russian. who knows that the Laws he is
called on to obey, are atileast rcal laws nladufor Englishmen and
Russians, not against them-can ally llurnzln being, exccpt,lpcr.
haps, a Pole, comprehend fully what is the collditioll of a nation of
men, living, gEllf‘l'a.l.lOl't alter generation, under a fraudulent pre-
tence of Law and Government‘! No, ribt EVNI a Polo has seen the
like; for the Austrian and Russian Govcmmcnts thero,‘m:llrs no
pretences, use no cant, do not go to the trouble of calling their
dominion by the lllmle, or clothing it in the robes of justice-high.
handed tyranny enough is there; but not solemn ilrlpostnro, not
the poisonous slang of sauctimonious falsehood in horse-llair wig
and ermine capc. In this, as in every other point ofview, the case
of Ireland is unique on the face of tho world, for its minute and
curious atrocity of oppression. -. . , .
But ifthere be no real Law in Ireland, neither is there any pro-
perty. Property is a creation of Law and Social order.. It is Law
alone that guarantees it, and protects it. . And if there be, indeed,
no Law, then instead of property it is plunder which the thing
purporting to bc Law pretends to guarantee, In short, we make
no st.-ruple to say, that matters having long since came to such a
pass that many hundreds of thousands of men, women and children
perish of hunger in the midst of uhundzlnce (abundance which,
though they have created it, is not theirs) no man has any longer
a right to the roof over his head, or the meal upon his board, to the
exclusion of a stronger man. There is a stall‘ of war, and social
chaos. ‘, r, ' , Tt . ‘
But European mcn arc not Hindoos, or sheep, that they should
accept such a condition of foul slavery as their settler] state, should
mould tht-lnsclvrs to conform to it, and consent that what it calls
Truth and Justice shall be Truth and Justice to them for ever.
Against such a system there must always he I protest more or less
persevrrisg sntl pronounced, as the victims of it have more or
loss life and manhood in them. Accordingly in Ireland, quite
aside from, or underneath the noisier and more obtrusive public
“ agitation: ” there have always been secret, and (by the pro-
tendcd Law) lawless associations, under tho general name: of
White-boys, Ribbonmen, and innumerable other local and subordi-
. .
