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bes
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4 a
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abo:
Gore
in
eee?
OP tte os
pce :
ee need
ee tac
eye Seu wellen,
was first discussed in the Imperial Partiament. It was rejected
212. ‘This was appaliing, and yet we were not
disheartene.{. "Twenty years (and twenty years, though a vast
space in the life of a man, constirute but & brief space in the
Listory ‘of a.suntion), have not only walked down that majority,
but have produced a majority of twenty-seven in our favour,
and have revolationized the public fee Shall we who wert
not terrified by a majority of 212 in the Commons, allow our-
selves to be beaten back hy 49 iu the Lords | Bat mark the step
ion advanced, In 1813, there was for the
aj in our favour on the first reading of the
At thet ‘period Bemaparte was upon his throne, and -the
Catholic Committee was ia the legal exereise of its functions.
Not lung after the bill opening the Arm and Navy was passed 5
England was apprehensive that officers would be dri-
This concession
ews ge! that ina free country the
pen and the should be
ven by the law into the continental service.
far)
hed an argument,
and [ trust we
shalllong continue to be, our question ere this would have been
carried. Atlength Mr. Plunkett snceeeded in carry ing the bill
throug! gh fhe Noe of Commons, although by an inconsiderable
rejected ‘in the House of Lords ty only
holics were deccived into inertness by
g arrived (God knows for what pu pose!)
The Kin:
hehe
avd we do not even obtrude our wi-hes upon the reyal ear. We
gave our opponents reason to think that we could be reconciled
to bur degradation, and our petition was flang out of the Com-
mons. We derived a nseta lesson from this result of modera-
‘tion, ~The Catholic 4: 1 sprung up—O’Connel devised
and executed a noble p: project system of voluntary contribu-
tion was established. The Proceedings of that greut assembly
fixed the attention of the empire. lt was fist derided, then
dreaded, and atierwards oppressed. But where is the man who
will say that it achieved little for Ireland? {Mt gave proof of the
energy, the power, aud the vigorous union of the Catholics, and
it shoo the mind of the Engiish nation. at wa couse-
quence? That the prejudices against the measure have sank
amougst the dregs of the peop! ple. A second tiree it passed the
Cominons. It was by a great exertion that the opposition of the
Lords was produced, and that genes
y rests upon very mate:
(Loud cheers, and cries of “ ar forbid”) Is
thonius ? or is there any fair sorceress, aay Medea of Fone, who
has undertaken to impart new life, heat, and ¥ vigour to the Earl
of Liverpool ]—(Lond tughter, ) There is, unfortunately for
the church, no elixir @ to acconiplisa this renovation, aud if
we had av othe iple of hope than the caleulatiou of an.in-
surance ofice we should not despair, I should Tike to see his
Royal Highness making’ his appearance at the Atlas to effect a
policy, att stance of his pious and moral associate, the Mar-
guis of tlevtford —(Cout
surve the eye ve inspection with which the appraiser
of morality Soa survey the buiky expiiion by which his Ro
al Highuess shoaid make t let that pass, The pro-
gress of the Catholic Question depends upon the confederate
evergies of the [rish people. Itis not enough that we should
hold confederate meetings, and that strong sentiments should
evaporite? in steamy phir; Something practicaily great and
impressive must be accomplished, The resolution whith was
rrop9 ed by the eldest son of my Lord Gormansown, contains
a powerfal recommendation, A census must be taken. Every
imust meet on the same intaltancens| assemblies
miust be held i in ever: of the country—(L. oul ebeers),
aud a great convention ust t be Sunmmoned, «Let the Catholic
clergy, the nobili
merchants, aud thi
a great couvacation,
of England be invited to unite the riiselves with this national as-
* acably ; the eyes of tle enpire will be fixed upon its delibera-
fous. lis sittings may coutinue for fourteen suecessive days.
en any man question the expediency of such a measure
an be a coumplislied, and can any arta doubt the facility of i
achieverzent who kas seen what has already been efected? 1,
for one do not} andsince L have s0 far spoken of myself, let me
he allowed to telly you why f have come this day among you. It
is becattse | feel that jou are engaged in no local concern, but
a eas? in which we alt bear a common participation, aod in
“tay promotion of which, it iv every man’s duty to engage. I feel
that your meczing, from the many persous of rank hy whom it
isattended, must, of necessity, excite no ordinary “attention,
and [ deew it not iuproper that {should i interabis m iny sentiaents
ba your proceediargs, aud sive utterance to the
vielions af my mind” Teamie here to tull you vant Think Sol
must relinguish all ree of achieving the freedom of -Irel: land,
“ nnless you atone a boll nter mined, and energetic syste o|
your proceedings 40 far as it lies
ty which disgu the
name eof moderation, A true and genuine tauderation I ‘ios anost
recommend, bart l as devoutly depre fe thet spurious
would degeucrate into inertness, and which
trom those habits of voluntary ser’ vitude which
bog ‘ruriawed thraldom could not fail to cre Cheers.)
But | ithank God that the sluggish and apathetic state of politi-
cal feeling to which I have atlverted has andergoue a most sa:
, dutary change, aud I may weil exclaim i i the language of the
“ Koman
—(
“he en base that world not bY a freeman?
* we re's he so vile tht ducs aut love his countey ?
Thank God there is searcely a min in the great commnnity t
which we belong,
ty is scarcely worth the kersiing.
one half éf its virtue trom the spi
very not only takes away
‘orideuce appears to have framed with a *
shoul uot catch a reflection of that glorious Tight,
ate
Iso tobe a final and complete sett] f
Should cominue to he enclaved. hold from was in! a inplete settlement of Irish
th Ne aft at when the dangers of the French war aud the dif.
\epor ef saw Create? “Or our sucees (reper conferred | Gculties and embagresments of William's reign bad passed
vata the strongest assurance, In ull Itkelidood, atiaost eve: | A¥a%* aud when triumph and properity came with Anne, tlie
ny ian that bears me will Live to
country; but if it shall be einer is
" Yedeferred, it will he, atleast,
0
who docs not feel that existence without liher-
ni an, hia deprives lite of
all its valde, and cen 1 be such a sceptic in the power of an unit-
ic people, and in the progress of truth, of rea-
i as to think it possible that whee liberty Is
3 apne fiun to the extremities of the world, tis
starting into tre edo. Iveland
hel hotil the regeneration of his
exertions; that the iaheritors of onr existence shall not be the
inheritors of our degradation; that if liberty was not veste
us it will be derived through us, that the servitude of our coun-
try shall not be perpetuated, and that oar ehildren shall be free.
e learned gentleman concluded amidst loud and loog-con-
tinued plaudits.
=
*FibVewce before the Committees.
From Mr O'Driscoll’*« © Review of the Evidence taken before the Irish
- Committees of both Houses of Paria:
There never was a more extraordinary “ Tequicy’ "—extraor-
divary in its commencement, in its Progress, and in its termina.
tion.” Ithas thrown a deeper interest about the case of Ireland
—an ivterest of augmented danger—of increased dificulty. It
has exposed that difficulty and danger to the wondering eyes 0
the whole world; it has spread it, in all its length, and "breadth,
and depth to the gaze of mankind; and having accomplished
this act prnobie ndour, there it eft it. There is no remedy
proposed ; a1 of security snesested 4 ere is no
measure i¢dietones Fated at. The inquiry to have c com-
menced withont object; and to have closed out design, Like
the history of Rassclas, Prince of Abyssinia, it tad a conclusion
in which nothing was coneluded.
“The In aquiry”? originated in the alarm and embarrassments
occasioned by the W hite-boy i insurrection in 1§22, aud 1823, and
as. perhaps, also, promoted by the commercial and agricultur-
fh f eriod,
‘ifwe serk to know why an investigation, which in its outset,
promised so much, and in its progress gave rise to such confi-
dent expectations, produced in its termination, nothing; we shall,
perhaps, discover that the alarm in which it originated had pas-
cial and agricultural difficulties,
-Be8
a5!
iberty to set
aside, with perfect safety, the whole machinery of the commit-
tees and their labaurs—and therefore we did si
We do not mean to say that the committees did not originate
in perfect good faith; and In an honest intention on the part of
his Majesty’ 's government to remrdy the grievances of Ireland.
But when “existing circumstanees” change thew character, they
sometimes change “also the counsels of eabine
As this change of counsel, arising out of a ‘change of “ exist-
ing circumstances,” is in perfect keeping with the character of
fish administr ration, time out of mind, i may be worth while
to point cut an analogy or two, merel: how the admirable
consistency whieh has ever guided the government ofthat coun-
wy:
“The union grew out of the insurrection of 1798.
ceded by “committees of Inquiry” in the Irish Houses of Par-
liament. | 1t Was recommended to the Irish nation asa measure
introductory to a final and satisfactory arrangement of Irish af
fa sisted open. fiat without a legislative tuion,
there could be no emancipat an a that, with a union, eman-
cipation might be granted iamenea y. and with safety. This
view of the “st! spalation”™ before the Poor (for i it was such) has
heen denied by the unblushing effrentery of er—and ia the
face of the most conclusive and accumulated evidence. But it
is now established beyond cavil, by the farther and unimpeach-
able testimony of one of the actors’ W. C. Cur-
It was pre-
Colonel Carry conmneded s a regiment serving in Ireland dur.
ing the rebeliion; and he tells us that he was employed by his
superior officer, Géneval Hunter, to distribute various publica-
tions among the Catholics, tendiag to impress them with the per-
suasion that the Union was a certain and effectual means of ar-
iving at Emancipation,
Colonel Curry Mraceerted, as did the numerous other persons
employed to the same effect. And it was vatural that they should
succeed. The Catholics were convinced ; they lent their weight
to the Union, and it was carried—and they were deceived.
“There was no direct sbledee," says the tiinister. And this
may be true, There wa bond ; uo written, signed, and seal-
ed instrument. Itis even possible that the minister of that day.
in his communications with the Catholics, took the precaution
of leaving himself room to creep out of his own engagement.
It is possible that, even in dealing with hs own agents, he might
have managed 2 dishonest retreat. Nothing can exceed ‘the
profltzate providence of the wiiy politician, his cautious prepa-
rations of fraud, pis admirable foresight of deceit, his prudent
anticipations o1 onesty.
We ist
huffing with the ‘seorn It merits;
and we contend that the King's Government became pledged
tthe Union ‘0. the Emancipation of the Caibolics of Iveland ;
having used the most active and powerful exertions to obkain
their Support in one tae that great revolution, by impressing
with a ig impression that the one measure depended
upon the aihers Te .
But no Emancipation followed ;" And why? Because the
danger of the insurrection of 1798 had pea away ; and the
eounmercil and other embarrasments, which at that time bung
like a mass of thonder-clouds over these kingdoms, had sud-
« tealy given place to sunshine and serenity. We became pros-
perons in all our great relations of commerce, manufacture
cult re. In Such a state of things, the Catholic Ques-
make no way, Emancipation» was refused; and the
ni inister exhibited t to the admiration of the world that master-
piece of consumate skill and exquite political address, by which
he had wronght upon the Catholics, to the accomplishment of
the Union, without committing himself to the terms of Emanci-
pation,
._ This is a modern instance of analogy to the cnse before us.—
We shall select but one from that gread stove-house of ancient
Bitory—t the Treaty of Limerick ; and weshall make buta few
and
1S in irene
* This treat like the recent Inquiry.” and like the “ Union
speculation,” grew out of evil communications in Ireland. It
tender
‘Treaty, of Limerick w
acted with increasin:
troy the manutictanes offreland,, that ‘here should be no ‘er
Joy ment for the People: to suppress schools, and all teach-
S set nside—the Jena Laws were re-eu-
ere devised to des-
them that they might not resist; to prevent their acquiring pro-
perty that they might be poor; and to sow dissentions amongst
them, that they might destroy each other, These were the
gveat objects of that celebrated code which was ennacted upow
the return of British. prosperity, in place of the treaty of Li-
meriek, which had been settled aod ratified f ina seaon of British
wenkuess,,
These vast objects could not be obtained, rion emiploying
one portion ef the people of Ireland to be the task-masters Yang!
stave-drivers of the other portion, ‘And the portion 30 employ
ed did not perceive that they were the more injured degra
ced of the two. And such is the sraltityins and brutal ing
effects of tyranny upon its agents, that har et have many
ofthis tyrant caste arrived at a full worenntien of the disgrace
and injury, they suffer.
d that the treaty of Limerick was violated;
as it has been den ied that the Union stipulation was broken.
and this in the face of the written treaty, and of all the statutes
of Ann and the two first Geo orges. But they were Statesmen
who made this denial. (It was a more’ embarrassing case than
that which the Union presented—for here was ¢ a written docu-
ment, signed, scaled, executed and ac
It has been ‘denied also, that, in ori inating, the “ Irish Tne
f during i = Progress any promise was
i ntiswation given, or say e held out, peice might | lead the
people of Ireland to expect ' any redress of grievances from the
labours of the Committees. We deny that this denial is weil
for unded, but we adinit that it is consistent.
“We might multiply instances—but these will suffice to show
the steadiness and uniformity of principle which has ever pre-
vailed in the affairs of Ircland. We might go up from the trea-
ty of Limerick to remote antiquity ; and down from that memo-
rable treaty again to the Union, and to the." Inq
before us ; and throughout all this dreary waste o1 time, we
might point to innamerable instances, illustrative of this greal
principle, which, like the blazing banner of the arch fiend, fash-
its terrific light upon all Irish history.
If the people of England submitted to the violation of their
faith and honour in the infraction of the treaty of Limerick ¢
the people of Ireland must be indicated from this imputationy
‘They have struggled againstit. |, They have struggled in every
age against the ‘principic which produced that violation,
°Froin the reign of Henry Il. to the treaty of Limerick, all
the wars of Ireland had for “their leading onject, to destroy the
political connexion of the two islands. ‘The war of the rebel-
lion of 1798 had the same object.’ But it is also inanifest, that
this object was for far te greater part of this vast period unwil-
lingly snremnete t was taken up as a sole resource to
‘ople were forcibly and retwetanly driven by the
injustice ante oppression of their lea
Down to the reiga of James L., these ware had their origin iv
the spoliations committed upon the Irish Nobility a
tors, and the resistance made to these Spolistion
the two reigns of Etizabeth and James nearly closed ibis ace
count of war. There was an end of the matter. But a new ac>
count was soon opened, which is not closed. A book;
which no man has yet been found strong eaiough to shut.
« There are two series of Irish wars—the first, t, as we have said,«
was waged against the land or the owners of it—and is at au
3 because land isa tangible thing, and the assailants were
ter of the conflict failed. The second was
and it did not succeed, because opi-
not a tangible thing. The matter of the conflict en-
dures, and the war continues—for peace is but another word
for truce ia Ireland.
The success of the volunteers at the close of ihe American
war—the Constitution of 1782, which they tonquered from the
Briti
ed prishinen of that day, from becoming a war of separation.
‘The White-boy insurrection of 1022, was a rising of the
people against the oppression of tithes, and the oppression of
tases, and the oppressidn of exorbitant rents, If it had net
been speedily checked by the forbearance and humanity with ‘
which it was waged by the Marquis Wellestey, directed to the
lightening of burdens, and the improvement of the condition
of the peaple, it would have become, as it was becoming,
against British connexion. Mr, Grant had the merit of oti
gating the system of Government, which Lord Wellesley
pursued.
The case of Ireland has been often compared with that of
America. It is but a short period since the war whieh broke
our Empire into its two vast fragments, and the analog
become every day more and more striking. We trust i
in the councils of Providence, that wherever there is an * ewan
fissure in our do ions, @ heaven-born minister shall be sent
0 snap the parts intwain. There might have been a time when
iishnen could have ben seduced by the imaginary glory of
¢ indepenc n they languished to shake away trom
thera the right hand Britsin, and thought its pressure was
slavery 5 when t e pride of walking alone made them forge!,
that the hand they spursed and hated, ustained and protect
them, “That time ig passed. Men not now lvok to the
modes of, government, but to their ere
‘The notion has
sacrifice to preserve it;
could be content though all were lost.—'
It is not the value of the Catholic question 5
wale « cannet be over-rated—can hardly be estimated, it is, the
principle, which, in the eyes of the people of Ireland, is above
all price. They might sacrifice their counny er
ests, themselves, I! the blessings of
prejudices of Br ut they cannot. sacri srikce
the
which involves their honour, and fixes their place amongst m4"
in
Upon this it was'that the people of Amerien acted a was
not the weight ofthe tax which they refused t a
was the weight of the principle. , T! he case of treland is manne ‘a
a fac-simile of that of America, and we shail have frequiuty vi
ilustrate the one by reference to the other. If the reader wit
e trouble to compare the speech of the Earl 0 Tpor
ne of
in thelouse of Lords on the Catholic Relief Bitl with som :
the memorable orations of Lord North on the American gre
nce whicl
ied
t once perceive the striking resemblat a
these great stafcsmen present; the same ‘exalted and dig
Hn ame Totty vindication of the power and auth
Pactiaments ; the same noble cortempt of vulgar lames
same wise and stedfast adherence to the“ usages of %
costars tie same bold ang manly searn “ leaders nd 3
tion, he will at
ae
. Shah Mhase who are to cung ier us, *
ing public'andt tite, that ibe might de i; Ignorant; to disarm
and Gf the boasted suinbers of tie discontente the
Ae ween.