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‘ gubseription Fo:
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ae
Eruth ts powerful andwill prebatl.
Ostice corneref Pearl
|. Dollars per auninn. ¥ & . and Centre Street
ae - = = - — eertetnat
i | VOL. XVI. os. 0 NEW-YORK, SATURDAY, JUNE 27, 1849. . : - NO.26.°
=a i . . le . — — . i = - ~ . — ~ — ~
im) fig one (IRELAND. « Irish people (hear, hear.) His conduct smacks of the school he | gerous, a revolutionary bill,’ for it destroys popular representas. |
stun | i = = studied in. Whex the forty shilling franchise existed in it3 low | tion, which is the only safety valve of public sentiment. ot
Pe) OP ouNLEY'S (BIBL—MEETING OF THE QUEEN’S | standard, its extem, or its corruption » WH Because’ it was }: ‘Mr. H. Phelan seconded ihe resoliition, which passed wnani-"t ¢ f
Tn County.” oe, managed by Toryism because, in fact, it wes not the franchise | mously. ve Te ee to
and} i ne POON ae . of the peoples but me factions many headed engine of ascen- |“ Mr. James Danne moved the fifth resolution, which was se-‘ « f
sia [lag Pts Pecondnted from our toate, 2, ~ Yaney {chee he Tamla tice, deve Rosbnders coud by Me Aoho Metal and adored ane sah he |
ad et oe ERMC. fi By wo < . he forty shilling” franchise r. Joseph : ing the sixth resolution, said he
we | Ts, Ledleater. af the Soviet} of Friends, proposed tbe' third | was all proper (hear.) . When political diseission, however, | was anxious to stare thot Mn, Dunne, of Bellymania, wonld
seplution,: which stated that the country was already insuffi-
{ ciently represented, in'reference to ‘property, revenue, or popu-
lation, and that instead of further restricting the franchise, it ought
wo be considerably unrestricted—and that Irishmen ought never
vo pesatisfied, uatil they would obrain, at least, equal privileges
with the’ English and ‘the Scotch, Mr. Ledbeater said it gave
, tim great pleasure to assist his fellow-countrymen in seeking for
tele just rights. The wan wasa bad Trishmaa who would be
content with a state of ixteriority, and he trusted that’ the time
was fast approaching when severy:class and creed of every por-
tion of the empire would enjoy a perfect equality of civil rights
Aloud cheers.) Ele was no orator, but he thought the cause he
fadvedated did not require-eloquence. . .
Mr- Comerford seconded the resolution, which was passed
‘with acclamation. Bay BE SE te
. Mr. Burrowes Kelly came forward to propose the next reso-
lution, and having tead a letter from his brother, Mr. W. G. Kelly,
regretting hig unavoidable absence from the meeting, he said—
“The object of Lord Stauley’s bill was self evident. Under the
pretext of amendiog the franchise, he endeavours to destroy it—
{cheers.) He seeks to destroy ils attainment that he may virtual-
lyannihilate it (cheers.) ‘Che right of voting is not the franchise
uf a free state, unless it-be given to be exercised freely by the
possessors, and unless it be diffused widely throughout the classes
which, “consiitining the community, compreheud all the sec-
Vions of che’ people. If the electoral right exist, reversely, the
franchise is not igen, as iCought to be, the constitutional defence
, oeivit freedom, but is the noxious privilege of faction, » When
inenjoyed by the people, but possessed by an oligarchy, it ceases
tobe thé remedy, and becomes, ip fact the inflectionor the state,
beers.) “Zig results then are ever manifest i
43 :
2. im mediate.—
ist Taj
terested, stand forward, and sconer‘part with one privilege of their
#seéndanc ‘are evet prepared for, nay, even ambitious of
‘weial vidleace (cheers) “lu téagueto upliold a tyranpy, they ex-
'asapolitical party but 10 conspire ‘and act against the general
F ‘Phe* history of the penal laws, the long ascendancy of
Orangeism in Ireland, is a striking illu-tration of this general
wliteal tushy. Every public, advantage was sucrificed to the
‘bminiod ofthe faction (cheers.) ¢°To°a simitdr vicious height
rd Stanley nuw aspiresto elevate himself and party, and to
'Scorresponging degrading-extremity he burns in hate to reduce
‘heLtist people. :S1e.wante tore-establish and-confirm the Tory
bower, to give dominion w the oligarchy, and to subdue idtoser-
Tilty o¢ political weak ness'the Irish naiton. ~ He speculates with
limself ibat if ke cannot extinguish our acquired liberty he will,
aleast check and countervail our-gdvancement to greater free-
Ht,” "This course he does, not denybe even boasts of: his in-
*aton 14 impede the press inistry’s projecied improvement;
41 bis whole pati erivil of the reform bill, has
“et in accordance with bis present conduct. Though a mem-
‘hf a reform cabihet, he then lyrjied, sv far as in him lay, the
Wpulas franchises an Siraiitrays to the cause he prolessed
advance (cheers.)° Under hig blighting influence the electoral
tghis given to Treland were-ia no degree equivalent to those be-
‘owed on England and Scotland. He hated and dreaded Irish
freedom, but le hoped, or fancied, that the result of his. policy to
leland would be the easy conquest of ourspopular power, He
Sasdi nted, and grew ensaged. ‘The peoplereturned even
licir Jimited privileges, representatives ‘opposed to his injus~
em the country deelared its tlecided hostility to-biny (cheers.)
What edutd he codld not attain through his bad reforro bill, he
‘Move to compass through his coercion Dill, Sines he had not
Mevented, by bis satiated measire of reform, the popular voice,
Mough ur representatives, he hoped to terfify, the population
“Ha Crusader uncbastiwutional wat against alt expression of
‘litical pinion (cheers.) “1m ihis, tov, be was ultimately foited
aul beaten (chesrs.) “Phen what he could oot attain through
eslaure, he suove to effest through the executive se
iq aes at, and aniltery through the land—perverted the service
walle soldiery, and made the people's guardians against foreign
the instruments of political tyranny (cheers.) : But this ca-
nr overwhelined him; he lost the public movey in his. enter-
Pat aad ‘so daniaged his character with the country and the
3"emment, that che latter, to beep at all on terms with the for-
ihe much ‘obliged to him when be withdrew from office
assed de was their calamity a3.a-colleague. - He. ® no
over to their fogs, and big fair: to outstrip, In virulence,
‘sme Political fellows. “From the time he quitted the gov-
int, arid ¢ inj! i AUSE,
ehag band could ny longer covertly injure the Liberal cau
‘© been lying: in wait ta pounce“ upon the liberties of the
Shot ge ete Dy ae a :
%
taught the people fhe true nature and use: of their_privilege—
when, io obedience to the legitimate spirit; of the British con-
stitution, they revolted against despotism, and: made their prac-
tice of voting agree with constitutional theory—wben, by their]
votes; they expressed their own feelings, carried Clare, and
gained emancipation—then, all suddenly, the franchise appear-
to be flagrantly abused [hear, hear.] Accordingly, Toryism—
‘compelled to grant emancipation—teok from the people the
power which, won the victory. , They reasoned, that thoug!
they were worsted in ove great pitched battle, still they had dis-
armed our millions of their yjetorious weapons—they raised the
franchise from forty shillings virtually to twenty pounds—com-
pelling the“rlaimant to swear ‘that ‘a’ good dnd’
would give him ten pounds more rent thda,he himself paid for
it. The reform bill came, and compared, With the English and
Scoteh reform bill, a stinted measure was aczorded to Lreland.—
However, in it a beneficial interest, to the amount of ten pounds
was the lest for admission to the franchise {hear.}. The Scotch
act possessed a. test substantially the same,} but .so expressed
that there is no escaping from it into tory iéter
clause is, ** The owner of any land, &c., oA ch
yearly valueof tén pounds, and shall actually yie!
-pable of yielding, that value to the claimant.’ Bi:
ing the English act js also interpreted; so th.
Scotland the owner of any Jand which accjafly yields, or is ca-
pable of yielding, the yearly value of ten pdunds is entitled to
the franchise; and,such, in accordance with this spirit, would
have been the interpretation of the Icish uty also,.were. it not
‘that, by.the evil genius of Stanley and Toryismn, the clause in
the Irish act, though clear enough in itsels, was. designedly lia ,
ble to be tortured to the test’ of * the good, and Solvent tenant,”
and eo has beet interpreted by ‘all Tory judges and barristers. |
"So far ‘Yoryism defeated. the intentiun. pf the! act. / Well, 10
whatend have matters come? ,
answerto the popular petitions, he brings iq a bill which aggra-
‘vates every evil undet which we laboured ‘belorey and takes
haway in one fell swoop the few advantaghs. we have ‘hitherto
possessed [hear.] To amend the registrygit yet omits uo op-
‘portunity to effect the disfranchisement of the pdoile, and coni-
menees its vicious operation even the furms of notice. Tis pur-
Fposely, what itought not to be, ao jatricate and brambly path
to impeed the: ‘way to a public right.' ‘The motive ts obvious
it is to give the opportuany of making ‘frivoloys, but legally:
valid objections [hear.] It is offering a. premiuip:to malignity
and craft, and raising difficulries, and_ plating qthorns on the
way to poblié liberty {loud cheers.] ©. The desire'to prevent, by
any means, the popular acquisition of the ftanchise, bas’stimu-
Javed hini to gv aay lenith, no ‘mater how’ absuid. He does
not stop here-eithers« By the law at present, onan appeal, a
jury is empanvefled to try the question vfvatue } -but-abis_ pri-
ilege is taken away by. Lord: Starfley’s billy-and the judez is
made fuctotum.'’ Sothatin tact afew county. barristers of the
Tight sort, and two judges, who have.the choice of a circuit, have
the’ public liberties of a, fourth ‘of Ireland at their complete
mercy (hear, hear, and cheers.) . Now, one excuse for this bill
is, that it assimilates registration in Jreland to’registration ia
England. What isthe fact?, There is not one; feature alike,
except the annual revision; and this is to .be applied to Treland
at the very time that experience has proved it noxiousin E
land. - And if be injurious in England, where® the political in-
terests and feelings of the: landlords aud\tenantry do not clash,
what in ihe name of peace, will it prove in Ireland, but the
‘most borrid scourge that, ‘uader the sanction of Jaw, was ever
bestowed on the powerful and viniictive,: with which to take
vengeance onthe weak class? The peasantry should-either
become again willing degraded serfs, or liye a lite of xocial ill-
will and misery, and perish. the victitny’ of crafi-and revenge
{cheers.] «To either resort ‘it’ must come, or- to’ unexpected
ld, or be ca-
ibis mean-
<
ng
d| change: to the firstJf they submit in fears to the second if they
contend for justice, turough the intervention of this bill. Ites-
tablishes the high test, end surrounds the franchise with every
ditficulty ; they could attain no good through it, and. would but
victimise themselves. . Therefore, in representation the bum-
bler classes will have no voice; but if they have novoice inthe
legislature, does any man think that therefore there will not ex-
ist the same public desire for the acquisition of freedom? There
willexist, a more ardent, but a more undefined desire—a desire
that will not stop at organic change—a desire that will unite all
the classes in agitation, and create an inflamed public opinion—
a desire thin, disappointed of the grad
vernment. afforded by the present niiaistry
the revolutionary spirit tw salisly its éxcitemen', aud may
enreet do immeasurable evil (hea’s hear.) «It is, ip fact, adaa-
in’ England and |.
and’solvent tenant | Ph,
Stanley's bit ithe reply. <In'} 3
have attended the meeting, but that family matters of grave im-_
portance demanded his exclusive attention (hear, hear.) The
same palliation, he knew, applied to Mr. Cassidy, of Monastec
revan, and both these gentlemen greatly regretted their una-
voidable absence on that occasiov. Mr. Lyons proceeded in,
eloquent terms to expose the ‘injustice of Lord Stanley's bill,
and gave as his opinion that if it passed into alaw, the disso-
lution of the Union would inevitably follow. oat .
Ir. P.. Fitzpatrick baviog seconded it, it was carried unan-
imously. . . . ple hos
A vote of thanks Jo Mr. O'Connell was then adopted av. ¢
the. ration of Mrs Jereraiah: Lalor, seconded by -Mr. John
elan. by a . . : a
Mr. P. Lalor was then called to the chair, and ‘on taking
said he had forgotten to mention before, that the name of Mr.
Fitzpatrick, M. P., would have been attached. the requisition,
but it had not been received in time. : ~
The thanks of the meeting were then ten
chairman, and the assembly separated. °
’
dered to the’ former~
*~ TRrom late files by the Great Western.)
being carried inton British Howse, becays,
insolt, and injury to Ireland. :.We are, Repealers—
nothing will serve Repeal like the carrying of thik bill,
we struggle as vigorously against it as if our, guccess
struggle would. not qmiliaie ‘agajnst bat, measures, whic
under any.circumstances, think the only adequate remedy.
i b the frlaxig—" never fo perinit evil that
4 oat
and ye'
in tha
bh wei
this we but comply a)
good may .come, of i *
“ea eets
yr ey
~o x * London, 25h MM
:My Dear Barkert—I Write to caution you against giv
credence to those who tell you that the Seofpion’ bil! will cer:
ininly be thrown out. There are idle scribblers here and in D'
lin assert that. it positively will be sobut £ iell you ti u
the least'of it, exceedingly doubtful... Can any nun point 1
me any period of Trish history at which the dominant porticn’ of
England hesitated or neglected to strike a heavy blow on Ireland *
whenever they had it in their power, Such an opportunity wes:
never losfy and never will. There re now the two predomina-
ting influences—national hatred of the
nant bigotry, to stimulate our enemies, and those that are worse
than our enemies—our false. fulse friend.” We who-struggte lor
oppressed Jreland:are’ surrounded by treachery at ‘every side.
It is impossible to calculate the ‘result of a contest in which the
hostility is very sincere and cordial—the friendsi hollow and
chill’ “For thy part I have bat one hope, and thatis Leland and,
the Irish, . : pee Ge "
‘The great grievauce which the National Association seeks to
redress is, the unjast appropriation of the ecclesiastical revenues
to the church of the.minority of the [rish people sin other words
the extinction of the tithe rent-charges, in alleviation of the poor
rates! This is what the Irish people imperatively demand
Does not the success of the Scorpion bill demonstrate that;
have not the least chance of getting ‘relief from th
vatil our domestic legislature is restored?»
pear to me—I trust [ am not supersti i
thing providential in Stanley's being the man to'prove to Uf
2,
2s
ial
Irish people, as c 5 e
of obtaining any relief on this or any otber grievance i
parliament remains coostituted es itis at present. I say this
seems ag il it were providemtial, because it commands with a
voice of authorizy the people of Ireland either Jo crush and sub-
mit to the baseness of unjust suffering. ‘ur to joia wi
either to be-patient slaves, of to”
conciit with, me in the Jegal, peaceable, and constitutional com~
bination for the Repeal. We are insulted, betrayed, despised.
The finger of scorn is pointed at us. are treated as if we:
were Helotsand serfs. Where is the Irishman whoclaims mans *
hood that will stand by in silent apathy at so direful acrisis?
Violence, out ovirage, or turbulence cannot possibly affurd us ,
any relief. Qn the contrary, the commission of any one crime
would weaken ‘us, and strengthen our enemies. © I
Irish rally. with, me tor Repeal. Let that tally err at the sidé
of forbearance pod tranquil submission, even beyond obedience *
to the law;_but let it be animated, lively, and persevering. .
. There seems no dodbt but that the corporate -reform, bill will:
be so mutilated in the Lords (if riot thrown ont-altogether,) tet
before them—that choice,
ond
wb
Irish people, and malig-
lear as day, that there is not the least possibility.
whilst the’
at
wen, mw
vey lnen.,
re erent te te FE
soe 8
Sst Ser