Activate Javascript or update your browser for the full Digital Library experience.
Previous Page
–
Next Page
OCR
4 THE NATIONAL DEMOCRAT
THE STORY OF A SUPPRESSED
NEVVSPAPER.
BY‘ PAT.
WHY so much “ sensation ” about Cardinal Logue
causing the Irish Pmsrmt to be suppressed? It is
merely a particular example of a condition that is
general throughout Ireland ; a fact turned articulate
that is obvious always and everywhere in its implicit
operation and effect. It is a perfectly representative
act, strictly logical in the light of the clerical atti-
tude towards life, as expressive of the Cardinal and
his order as opposed to the doctrines of liberty de-
fined for us by the Catholic religion ; and the sup-
pression of one paper, for uttering Catholic truths
is a small matter compared with the organised
terrorism against truth on which the other papers
are permitted to exist. The Irish Peasant was doing
good, for religious freedom as well as for Ireland, and
even Cardinal Logue dares not allege that there was
anything anti-Catholic in it ; but its suppression
may do still more good, by turning the minds of
thinking Catholics to the broad liberties of their
faith and to the violence regularly organised against
these liberties by persons in ecclesiastical authority,
who obviously make the religion a political instru-
ment against Ireland’s nationality, under foreign
direction. If this irreligious behaviour of unruly
clerics continue, with all its obvious dangers to faith,
to liberty, and to morals in Ireland, then, a conflict
is surely coming, forced on the people by such
priests; but let us always be careful to distinguish
between religion and its administrative misuses, fight-
ing tyranny, not religion, and, remembering that
even if priests were to suppress every newspaper and
to starve every thinker in Ireland, the truths of re-
vealed religion would remain the same, in spite of the
reverend wire-pullers who employ it against our
liberties and our country. The fight may be nearer
than we know, and Catholic laymen must stick to
their faith while defending their liberties under it.
Catholicism is not priest-worship, or even Cardinal-
worship, and if any “lose their religion” because
we ask a priest to be a good Christian and a good
Catholic, we may rest assured that they had not
much religion to lose. Our laymen are on the whole
better Catholics than the priests, and they do not
make their religion an instrument to keep our
nationality down under the feet of the foreigner.
The infamous “ Union” was plotted with the assist-
ance of reverend traitors, and it is clear that we have
them plotting to-day for its continuance, under
British bribes of power and privilege, exactly as
before.
In this l:uiiness of the Iritlz Pmsmzt there is a
Vastly more important significance than that of
Fcb., ‘I909
Cardinal Logue's conduct. Let us turn back for a
moment to the time when I became editor and
manager of the paper. I had taken care to discuss
my policy with the proprietors, and in due course
I announced it definitely in print :-“ Complete de-
ference to the clergy in all things of religion, and
complete independence of them in all things else.”
I had also taken care to formulate it on Catholic
principles of liberty, as defined by Popes and other
unquestioned authorities.
Strictly Catholic as my standpoint was, it caused
something like consternation, and especially among
the clerics, as if they had never studied aprineiple of
Canon Law. For a time they remained quiet; it
was assumed that a paper daring to assert Catholic
Truth so plainly “could not live a month,” and that
there would be no need to help me out of existence
by direct clerical attack. One immediate result was
intense curiosity as to what I should do next-
a situation always delightful to the journalist.
People wanted to know how I was to work out my
“Complete deference to the clergy in all things of
religion and complete independence of them in all
things else.” They rushed for the paper. I did
not give them too much of it at once, and so they
continued rushinw. The clergy. themselves were
among my most regular readers, and many of them
were also sympathetic readers, knowing that the
higher mental interests and liberties of the religion
were as necessary to the Church as to the country.
In a few weeks there were more copies of the
paper sold in the little town of Navan alone than had
been printed altogether before I came. In less
than six months it had readers in every county. It
found subscribers in Great Britain and America. I
found as many as seventy copies a week sold in one
little shop in Dublin. It was the first time that a
country newspaper had ever been known to achieve
a national influence and reputation in Ireland.
The owners’ auditor came, and smiled at the
sudden improvement in the finances. Advertisers on
the national scale came in, testifying to the changed
position, and the auditor smiled more. “ Virtually
without any staff, either literary or commercial,” I ’
worked all day, and most of the night, for very little
pay ; but I knew I was making a discovery of vital
value to the life of a nation and to the integrity of e
a religion. I had shown that a free Press could
prosper in Ireland, in accordance with Catholic
liberty and in spite of the priest. Is Ireland so nearly
dead as to leave such an opportunity useless? The
“Irish national Press,” metropolitan and provincial,
might be driven out of existence in a year, and re-
placed by valuable properties in newspapers of use to
the nation. There is no such unexploited oppor-
tunity for journalistic enterprise in Europe; but the