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32
A writer whose ability and whose hostility to the Catholic relig-
ion are equally conspicuous has said that when Catholics demand
“liberty? for the church, they mean to ask for ‘‘power,’’ just as
Clarendon pronounced the king of England, ‘‘as free and absdlute’’
as any other monarch. Unquestionably liberty implies power.
“No men is free who is not master of himself,’’ and, in civilized
society, at least, no man is master of himself who is not, in some
sense, a master of others. But while the Pope’s power as a temporal
ruler, or rather his right to such power, is proven by the teaching of
history vital to his liberty as ‘‘free and absolute’ head of the church,
the practical realization of this power is shown equally: clearly to be
of little moment. It was of vast importance that he be held by
Christendom the legitimate sovereign of his domicile; it mattered
little that violence from within or without might deprive him for the
time being of his lawful dominion. Every pope, tobe true to the
church and his great office, must inflexibly assert that no living man
was his rightful superior, but it was nothing or very little that he
who clung to these lofty pretensions should be besieged in St.
Angelo by the Roman rabble or a prisoner in the hands of some re-
bellious nobleman. The extent and the form of his power has
changed often with the changeful ages, but his liberty must be for-
ever the same, for it must be forever ‘‘absolute.”’ ‘
It is a less decisive but very grave objection to the ‘‘ Law of
Guarantees’? as a modus vivendi that acceptance of the position it
creates for him would make the Pope ex necessitate rei not only a
stipendiary of the Italian crown, but the leader of an Italian party.
What one parliament can do another can undo, what one has granted
another may take away. A party already exists in Italy openly and
bitterly hostile to the Holy See, to the church, to religion in’ any
form; if he admits that his liberty depends on the law,.then, to pro-
tect himself against changes in the law, he must use his only effect-
ive weapon—political agitation. In this connection it is well to
recall, what seems sometimes forgotten in argument, that no canon
of the church requires St. Peter’s successor to be found among
natives of the land where he was done to death. The conclave is
limited to no race or nation in their choice; to practically limit them
by assigning to the papacy functions which only an Italian could
assume consistently with self-respect or discharge with efficiency
would be at least a dangerous innovation.
It has been suggested that the more important provisions of
the ‘‘Law of Guarantees’’ might be embodied in a treaty between all
the great powers, and thus obtain an international sanction. I think
this suggestion looks in the right direction. One day the inde-
pendence of the Holy See may perhaps be warranted by diplomacy,
but when it affords a solution for this great problem, diplomacy will
be the mouth-piece of a practically unanimous public opinion
throughout the Catholic, I may say, the whole Christian world; a
public opinion which Italians will respect, not so much because they
fear, as because they share it. A real solution will never be found
in bargains between kings and cabinets, nor in the accidents of wars
or revolutions. The ultimate sanction for the liberty of the Holy
See must be neither military force nor the words of compacts, how-
ever solemn, but the universal conviction among good men of all
countries, that to violate it would be to wrong mankind.
If I am asked to point out how the independence of the
Holy See can be adjusted to the changed conditions of Europe, and
especially of Italy, or what form or extent of administrative author-
ity it must exercise to secure that independence, or by what prac-
tical measures the desired end can be obtained, I decline the task.
Non nobis tantas componere lites.
Only those who cannot, or will not, look at all aspects of the
existing situation can be confident in their ability to deal with it ;
and I believe that no one can contemplate the past of the papacy
without feeling that it savors of presumption to forecast its future.
To those who witnessed successive phases of its mighty conflict
with the empire, a widely different outcome to that conflict must
have often seemed not probable, merely, but an accomplished fact.
Gregory VII said, almost with his last breath: ‘‘I have ever loved
justice and hated iniquity, therefore I die forsaken and in exile,”’
yet the complete triumph of his cause awaited only the fulness of
time. In these great questions God’s ways are not as our ways ; we
may not live to see them answered, but we know that in His good
season the answer will of a certainty come. Let us await it with
the patience of absolute confidence; we are sure that the milk-white
hind, so often doomed to death, is yet fated not to die. Neverthe-
less, we are not to be passive spectators; in this great drama we
have our humble part. Crude projects, petulant complaints, sweep-
ing and uncharitable denunciations may embarrass the Holy Father,
they cannot strengthen his hands; but we owe him in his triels a
THE CATHOLIC CONGRESS.
heartfelt expression of our loyal sympathy. Catholics do less than
their duty if they fail to say, and to say so loudly and plainly that
no one can even pretend to mistake their meaning, that the Holy
See has been and is gravely wronged; that against this wrong they
temperately but firmly protest, and will protest so long asit remains
unrighted; that while the freedom of the Holy See is in jeopardy
the church is not at peace; and that the sovereign pontiff in vindi-
cating this freedom, not as a privilege to be given or withheld by
any earthly power, but as an inalienable right embraced in his di-
vine commission, has and will ever have the unwavering support of
all his spiritual children, And for the Catholics of America I say
this now and here. -
Mr.ONANAN: ‘‘Before moving the adjournment of the congress,
which is rendered necessary at this time by reason of preparations
that are necessary to be made in this hall for the reception to-night,
I desire, Mr. Chairman, that there shall go on the records of this con-
vention a vote of thanks to Mr. Bonaparte, for the masterpiece he
has just submitted to us, and also to Mr. Shea and Mr. Brownson
for their papers.”’? ‘The question was put and the motion was carried,
and at 4:30 P. M. the congress adjourned.
SECOND DAY.
The proceedings of the day were begun with prayer by the Most
Rev. Archbishop Lafléche, of Three Rivers, Can.
The chairman then said: ‘‘ Before proceeding with the business
of the congress, I wish to make a short announcement. It seems that
yesterday in the hurry of forming the committees, it would appear
that certain sections of the country were omitted from the list. The
chair wishes,to state what gentlemen of the congress already know,
that this convention must differ materially in every way. froma -
political convention, and one of the greatest points of difference is
that before we arrived here the names of the delegates and those who
were to be present were entirely unknown to the temporary officers
of this body.. Therefore it was impossible for us to form the com-
‘mittees with that pains and care which certainly would have been
followed had we known of the presence of the gentlemen in question.
I wish to say from the chair, and also on the part of the gentlemen
who formed the temporary organization, that there was not the
slightest intention to exclude any section of the country from the
list of committees, or with respect to the officers of this convention.
On the contrary, we were only too glad to welcome them all (ap-
plause); and I wish further to state that any section of this cotntry
that has’felt itself ignored in the matter of committees, or in regard
to the vice-presidents or secretaries of this body, if they will kindly
send up their names, the same shall be entered upon the permanent
record which shall be published in full, of the proceedings of this
congress.”’ (Applause.)
Mr. M. D. FansiEr, of Logansport, Ind.: ‘I move that a
committee be now appointed by the chair, to consider and report
upon the propriety and expediency of holding assemblages of the
Catholic laity in every state in this Union annually.”
Mr. M. J. McHucu, of Michigan: ‘‘I second the motion.”
Tue CHAIRMAN: ‘Gentlemen, you have heard the motion,
Will the gentlemen kindly put his motion in the form of a resolu-
tion, and it will be referred to the committee on resolutions, under
the rules. The unfinished business will now be the order of the day,
unless otherwise ordered. The unfinished business is the reading ofthe
papers, and I now have the great honor of introducing to you the
Hon. Honoré Mercier, Prime Minister of Quebec, who will read a
paper which he has prepared for this congress.”’ (Great applause. )
CARROLL AS A STATESMAN.
PAPER READ BY HON, HONORE MERCIER, OF QUEBEC.
I consIDER myself particularly honored in being called upon to
speak on an occasion which has brought together so many illustrious
men. We have assembled in this historic city to do honor to a great
prelate, men distinguished in every walk of life, whose names are
honored throughout the civilized world, great churchmen and great