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28 TTY wma nant ee a ir Ey EE Ee AS rte
ERAT aye Wee
miter nnd re net fe Rane att CR Are SY, SSeS SI
QasS XQ ny it! Ny RE 4 ZO
EZ Rens =
Zi om Lai é S
OL. XX. .
PS
A BONG FOR YOUNG IRELAND—.1S4—,
+ Rouse, sons of the Green Isle, your counsel and aid
We ask for—we claim—for the onset is made ;
» And the foe threatens loud, that he'll teach us to know
. He cao wia back the trophies we snatch'd long ago—
. . Help us now, as of yore!” —
* Old tyrant, we will not—too long have we stond
By your side, ia the red field of carnage and, blood,
-. Won the laurels you boast of, and got for our pains
* Oppreasion and iesult, starvation and chains—
wt tae ut we'll do sono more !
The day was—we might have forgotten the past,”
And its long list of injuries—aye, but the Last, |
Damning insult is fresh in our memories yet-—
..; .’ Tis a wrongswe can never forgive nor forget—
vara are , ¢
as For, tho’ slaves, wé are men!
““S” Shall we rise at your bidding, who doom'd to a cell’
* The Leader we love, and who loves us so well,
Or ungratefutly draw forth the life-blood of those,”
“Whose hearts, whea You joined us, felt for our woes ?
eae yo O,never again! 9
_MR.-PORTER’S PAMPHLET.
t
NEW-YORK, SATURDAY, : OCTOBER
{Just 8s Mr. O'Connell was getting out of prison, and asifthey | istion Hall, Mr. O
Truth ts powertul and will prevatl
do it calmly, boldly, and clearly. “It isquite impossible that any
Minister dare refuse to entertain their proposilion— if he did, be
would run a very dangerous risk. -
Mr, Porter’s Proposition.
sion of the Federal
r an To:
erial Parliament or Council, of so many [rish and British peers for ite
er Elouse---so many Irish and Hritish me: fu se of
| Commons for it: ower House re th:
foreign and eolonial affairs o
could develope themselves freely at home; also, the
of the whole empire; while the whole system would work in loyal
harmony under the Sovereign of Great Britain and of Ireland.”
Thus we have the guarantee of Mr. Porter's word tbat before
three months a movement will be made, on the most just and
obvious principles, and by Protestant gentlenven of the North of
Ireland, for the réstoration of a Parliament to College Green.—
Mr.’ Porter appears to be under a mistake to the exient to which
Federal principles have gone—he ‘forgets that Federalism hns
been epprovingly advocated by a Catholic clergyman in Concil-"
"Malley—that Mr. O' f1agan joined the Aseo-
eneral interests
. ‘occurred to celebrate the triamph of justice and law over chica-| ciation in a Federal speech, and that a great many of the young
-bery, mancuvring, lost lits, thefts, corruption, Judges’ charges,
and Judge‘inade law, two or three circumstances have bappen-
ced of the most astonisbiog nature, and well worthy of being spe-
cially chronicled. 8° + - ° fas
» But specially should they be chronicled, because each: of
“then indicates the gradual widening of the circle of national
“feeling, and the aitraction to the cause of men long wanted, ant
‘whose adhetance to the principles of Repeal or Federalism will
» Fender ong thing, at all events, certain—that the cause of local
legislation ought to triumph. When the people ‘united behold
ihemselves led by the gentlemen ofthe country, we sball take
the liberty of saying that the discussion ig atau end, and, that
Logjand wontd bave no power tarefuse the demand.
+» Our readers will anticipate that we allude tothe junction of
‘Hoeichinson, Mcekler, and to the masterly pampblet,of Mr, J.
“Vuti, Porter, of Fermanavgh.. | Ve:
as, Classes do not move with rapidity—particularly classes ofin-
‘ y ‘teHigeot men. T Jo pot act on impulse—ihey would be
+} 6 ashamed to be caught moving with the speed of popular bodies.
‘tA few men, more bold and fearless than the rest, pass over, get-
hing rid of their prejudices by force ‘of. reason; ‘or of personal
--eharacter, and they are gradually followed by the whole class.
‘}hus Smith O'Brien : was the first ta move, to the amezement
‘of the covotry—then Powel—then flutchinson. “ We shail have
‘shortly to announce many more. Mt 2 oy #
$a ot i .
- °° But some of them go farther than the others. - In proportion
‘ta the reliance which O’Brien placed upon the possible beaefiis
-of British legislation, was the strength of his revulsion of feel-
og... Ele paseed at once into a bot area of the Conciliation Hall,
*and so providential an accession no party ‘ever received. But
-olher mev will pot go sofar, either because they dislike she men
swho work there,’ or dissent ftom the imagined extremenese of
Lebeir principtes. 5) 25 Se ° Dvagee sot
“. Of the last class is Mr. Porter.” Let us for a moment suppose
“that his pamphlet were jezeune, unsupplied wish fecie,and tliogi-
Ceal—arill,: conceive “the enormous importance of a Federal
/ pampblet from the Orange North, and trom probably the most;
= “Orange ponion of it, written by no trader if politica—no fuvkey
of the movement—no maker af small’ speeches—bat by a gen-
«tlemaa win, a6 they ay on these occasions,“ has. something to
‘Jose—2 geotleman of raok, and stetion, and property. - But
* his pampblet ia oone of those things. [ris a singularly able work,
< pécu Lario its arrangement end style, but full of facte—full of
!irarhs, oot the lesa striking when coming from sueh @ quarter,
Sand written in a style of easy indifference to the stupid : bigotries
\ gad prejudices of the past age, and, uafortunstely, ive much of
tthe presen’, too, SEAMEN Et
+ Well, then, Mre Porters “is a Federalist. There is. much
«mystification abont the difference between Federalism and Re-
Speal.’“Bo.h mean the repealof a certain Act, and the subse-
+ quent arrangemenis we conceive to be matter of future cooside-
Tretion. But Mr. Porter's plao is this :—Let-a friendly union
Sexist between the countries—tlet a free trade, which is the gi
basis, and, in fact, the true object of national friendships, . be es-
“. gablished by the etricteat international laws—let England have
“har Paeliament for her own internal affairs—let Ireland have
“hers, and let there be a common Assembly, Congress, or Coun~
cily id Which imperial legis!arion sbould ‘be transacted by dele-
* pares seat from each. - As matters atand now, the Imperial Iee-
‘ gislaiure is the' scence of combat for. two great aristocracies,
~ though meesures of good occasinnelly sre ‘carrie} e@ part of the
- moves of either party. This plan of Mr.! Porter's is not purely
2 presemrarive of * some [rishmea who wish to raise their coun-
- ‘ary. 7A vobler union of gentlemea has never taken place in
men of talent. who belong tothe body are Federalists. He is
also we shall say in passing, very much asiray es to the ability,
of the debates. He has read them with little care, and, more-
over, he has not read the reports of the Association nortaken the
trouble to inquire into the machinery by which the Repeal agi-
tation is moved. — If he bad, he would not probably have passed
so flippant an opinion. “However; we do not quarrel with bim
on the subject,» fle is welcome to think o3 he pleases aboot the
19,
fOmce, No. 70 Bayara
Mireet,in thereor.
NO, 42-
1844.
pay the debi of its powerful neighbour—it is drawn away 10
the shape of rents to absentees—of salaries to Commiscioners
residing at the seat of government, and administering these af-
fairs which ought to be adminisiered at home—in every shape,
in fine, in which it is possib!e to extract money from a weak ard
enduring country... ;
Ite interests are burt by direct legislation. Hareb measures
are pazeed without difliculiy—bills, Jike the Arms Bills, the
2| Coercion Acts, the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, the |
Igerine Acts, and such other monuments of wisdom snd bu-
manity. It is refused its just and due sbare in the government:
it is dealt with in measures of limited good on the grounds of iis
inferior comparative civilization or fitness for indulgence; and
ibe worst of it ig, this is done by the sanction, and under the per~
mission of its own Tepresentatives, who are either debauched by
the example of the others, or who eupport the evil legislation of
the sironger country, as the wages of some peculiar privilege to
themselves and the classto which they belong, which is sure
not to be that of the people. ay
It is hurt by neglect. Nothing is done to develope its re-
sources—or little. There is no gond sufficient reason workieg
on the representatives of the stronger country, why the educa-
tion, the natural wealth, the bappicess of the people should oc- —
cupy their care. One would euppose that these things, the edu-
cativo, tbe cultivation of the babjis mors! and'sccigi,the werk~
ing of tbe natural resources of one peaple, woutdgbe sufficient
occupation for a Legiaiure—ihe Legislature of, ERglacd bas te
deal with three nations. Pa? evemple, see bgi¥ wey’ do it:—
There is no reason, we assert, which coneta
to fix their atiention on these subjects. 7)
dragged to their consideration by pressin ;
no doubt, if the migratory incursions of fvish labour into Eng-
land contioves to increase—to pull down the English labourer 5
to the Irish standard—to reduce wages—ie spreed destitution
to expel from the table of the Englishmen bis wholesome food,
his meaty aod beer—if popular crime followe—and if burning
ticks give way to buroing towna and casiles—if Englishmen de",
TOUMBLADCES.
ability of the speakers at Conciliation Elel!,'and the integrity of
its financiers, provided he continues to exert bis skill and ability
in cisculating Federal doctrines in the circlesin which he moves,
and io the claas of which be is an ornament... Time will test
their honesty, and the public at large heve already pronounced
a tolerably fevorable estimate of tbe business habits, the order,
and the occasional eloquence of the:genilemen who conducied
the business of the Association during the imprisonment. Their
personal character is immaterial to tbe value of the principles of
whish they are advocales,., Atthe same time, we believe there
never were honester or, better, men in the frout ofa, popular
movement before. It will cease to be a merely popular move-
ment when men Jike Mr, Porter join it in numbers, and it will
become more formidable in proportion to jis Inss of the merely
popular character,
Mr. Porter asserts ppoa an assumption, the truth of which is
verified in the whole history of ibis cuuntry—namely.tbat where
free trade exists between two countries, the just aod material
eod of union has heen obtained, and that all further voion’can
only be some source of continual loss to one, and contioua! gain
to the other. We are to understand by thie, any further politi-
cal union than is necessar
any union without the fullest assent of both parties. ~ Ee asserts,
that, though much as we have y tbe money
been drained from us, a greater los is the want of all. pride in
the government of the country, our carelessness a3 to the glory
of the empire, and our indifference to its defeats. t
= Here, then, is the truth fairly told. © Weare sacrificed to En-
gland. | Irish commerce is sacrificed to English. commerce—
Irish wealth to English wealth—Irishmen to Englishmen. We
are the draw-farm of England—we are herslaves,lest we should
be her rivals. - The result of which is, we “are indifferent to, if
we dv not hate, England. We epeculate’ on’ her overthrows;
and we silently regret her victory... Be it remembered that the
Dublin Corporation refused to give 8 vote of thanks to the Aff:
ghao * heries,” orto any of those ‘great men-sleyers who, as
Mrs. Hemans says, have , we tat .
we? Spread alarms,»
And bade the zones rescund with Bri-ish'arme!”
He illug'rates the natural results of euch unions as have here
tofore existed between England and Ireland in the following
pithy wey :— ‘ oo
“If our Henry the Sixth could have kept poss.
by er, the court of England and France would have been held
aris, and then England would have suffered as much from absen-
c Ireland; French Philos@phical statesmen would
t ad vai
sion of France, won
ages of etvilization, o|
French Universities; in course of time
religious as well as political differences between the two nations; penal
Jaws would be passed against the English clergymen, who would be
their assistance 1 Lond:
, the emanation of his own mind. ' fe appears to speak as the re-, ™°™
unted about the country for two or three hundre their flocks
would be kept as rance; these
clergy bad these laws, and
become dgitators, until some: Engtish O'Connell would set ny with
jon, and be siliy enough to ery out for a partias
back agaiu in Westminster Haley eo ye
Centralization is, then, the direct result of soch cornexions
between weak snd strong natioss—that is, between the domi-
<Irtland thau the vnion of men like bim, who ‘wish to raise! pant country, which bas the disciplined army at ite command,
© their country,” and who will propousd to the pation a good and | end the subject country, whic
» efficient remedy for existing evile--mea who will do this rem he! pepolar * :
* © gbuadacce oftheir regard -to the interests of Ireland—who will | oThe
’ ‘
ee a neg leptin ah
without ao army or an armed
ion. | Ley ge ae .
material interests suffer.” Ita money
lo insure the freedom of trade, or | *
which. bas} T!
vote their * Saxon energies” to this way of rectifying grievances
wh'ch is not improbable, thea no doubt the Legistaiure of Eng-
land will begin to thiak in earnest of freland, and to legislate
for her in great speed and abundance, Bot thisis not what we
want.” We wanta Legislature which will require po stimulus
to work for Ireland, sou for her alone. deers te
— The following isthe sanguine hope of a good man—one Who
wishes to raise bis country s— vm zee
WHAT FEDERALISM WILL DO FOR IRELAND. .
: In every little village in Ireland, in every farmer's house, in
townland; among th
amon:
rea!
Ireland, wh
ard and Few
‘a strong public opinion in
in every town, will both urge forw:
well of their country,
here will be a cheerfulness,
in the national character; a feeling
activity of ever:
every nation io Europe
Ireland will stand forward in social and plitical civilization.” —-Bel~
fast Vindicator. ws boy teat gy
‘The way in which the opening o€ Mazzinis’s Lettere waa
. dixcovered, a .
The circumstances that first ted Mazzini.to suspect thet his
correspondence had been tampered with was a commobication
to the Times, printed as a leading article, the writer of which
boasted of having thea lying before bim a mass of, documents
relating to the efforts of an association in: London for the eman-
© {cipstion of aly ; aod alluded tw frets of which only a few
members of that sesuciation could bave been cognizant by ho- *
nest means.) € avention of Mezzini bad elso been excited
by Irequent delays in tbe delivery of bis fetiers ; and pow, on
examining the post mark, his suspicions were cor firmed by ob-
serving that they invariably bore tbe mark.of two different
stamps; the one” intended to efface the, other; the object of
which appeared to beto make the hour of delivery correspond
with that in which the letter had.been received, and 80 to pre-
vent the o1iginal siamp, of attestation of the receiver of the ume
when the lewer was posted, being evidence of the foot of its de>
tention. To be quite sure of this, M:zzini took the precaution
sin, St. Martin-le-Grand,leners directed to himself early in
the afierncon, when the receiver's stamp would by FN
The leners came to band in the afternoon, with the, receiver
mark 10 altered into 12; ‘the figure of-2 being stamped open
the origival 0,* but not eo as entirely sod succeselully. to corces!
ite. Muzzini then, in the presence of witnesses, posied al ove
and at tte same time eters addreseed to himsel!y and fetiers
ictinious persons at the same residence, and: the
addressed to tic
letiers were regularly delivered two hours before his. Ou con-
sulting wirh bis friends other Cantrivences were adopted to com-
Nn ay
is drawn awey to
plete the chain af. evidence, , Lewers directed to Mazzini were
posted, containing grains of sand, poppy seed, or Sine beirs, end
so fulded that the sand) the seed, or the airs could not fall ous
oon -