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Has thisnation a mind of its own? I fear not. ‘A mind
: iszan, activity which gathers ‘up disconnected opinions, im-
; pulses, desires, .doubts,.theories and brings them into cor-
.'relation and unity.’
' mind become responsible one to another.
Ideas, when they are within the same
Each one of them
irnustipay regard to all-the rest: They cannot live in isola-
‘H011 nor yet in little separate groups. The mlnd'demands
of them that they shall work together in genuine unity of
‘spirit and of truth.
This seeking after unity is the very essence of the thought
’ life of an individual, and only in, the measure in which one
achieves it can he be said to be intellectually alive at all.
Just so it is in the thought of a nation. If we as>a people
can succeed in making our separate thinkings resposible
"one to another, then as a people we have a mind. But if
' our thinkings fall apart, we are without a common mind
and we must suffer all the ills of those who’ go through
' life not knowinguwhat they do nor seeing where they go.
But for many reasons we as a people have failed to achieve
' intellectual unity Into our social scheme have come many
I ‘disconnected races 'which are not easily brought into under-
. standing of one another.
. The individualism of our national
inheritance has hindered us from seeing or attacking the
problem, The modern breaking into many detached sciences
V or departments has destroyed the connections of earlier days.
' ‘It-is true that among us there are many minds of keen and
livelyactivity, but where is the mind of the nation? Whither ,
shall we turn that our intereszs may be sanely judged, our
passions criticised, our prejudices condemned, our truths an-
‘swered? ‘ I,
Is ‘the place of judgment to be found in the newspaper?
y Strange Things ‘in a Democracyi
N MAY 13, 1916, a great army of men tramped
up Broadway, New York, bearing a motley
"array of banners, and helped on their weary way by
the purchased gayety of numerous bands. Led by uni-
formed troops, the majority of the marchers-the vast
thousands-were civilians in the ordinary trousers,
coats and hats of every day life; with, to be sure, a few
women, in their ordinary garb. Everywhere the grand
old American flag floated; but each division also bore a
banner of white, witha cross running from corner to
corner and composed of one red and one blue stripe.
It was half of the English Union Jack, and undoubtedly
was chosen as the special “Preparedness” banner as a ,
first step toward familiarizing Americans with that
banner, which it was hoped by the organizers of the
parade, they would someday follow in battle.
. “Preparedness” was the magic word ’which called
these men together. Roughly,'the idea is that the na-
tion should be prepared to meet a foe. But if one had
stopped a marcher in that parade and asked himwhat
we were to prepare for, specifically--against whom we -
were to,prepare-one of two answers must have been
returned. He would - either have had to confess
that we were preparing against Germany, or to confess
that he did not know of any reasonin the wide world
why we should especially prepare. If he stated the
‘former reason, he would have disclosed the hope lying
in the minds of themen who, hidden far behind the
‘scenes, planned this demonstration; but if he had con-
4 fessed that there is no reason for especial preparedness
at this time, he would have unconsciously admitted
that the mighty army of freemen who tramped Broad-
- way were the dupes of the money power who are fright-
ening a nation into pouring its wealth into their coffers.
If these citizens had of themselves apprehended any
-danger to their country, and if -they were worthy of
[ the traditionsof their land, they would have flocked to
, the recruiting offices, of the National Guard. There
, they would. have enlisted in the established and
eflicient militia units which have been instituted by
‘V -the State for the training of-a citizen soldiery. That
, these men were not,‘ except in infinitely small ‘propor-
, Thel.Mi.n,d, of a Nation ,
‘ By‘ ALEXANDER,ME)Il:(L-VEJOHN, President of Amherst c‘:o11gge7 l" r
A.‘
My impression is that we do not so regard it. Do we not
commonly. think of It as special pleader, as representative
of some “interest," as used, by fprces to further their ends,
rather than as Judge and critic,’ rising above all interests and
seeking to assign to each its due. measureof significance
and truth? It may be that we are not fair in thinking this.
But whether’ it is fair or not, so long as that opinion pre-
Vz1llS,.tl1C newspaper cannot be for us the maker of under-
standing. Nor can the magazine or book perform this serv-
ice. And for another‘ set of reasons, neither the "church,
nor yet the home, can furnish what we need.
No one of these commands our thinking as a whole. And
even less our public men are able to bring our thinking
under control. They, .too, are talked -about, not as the
men we trust to lead and guide us, but as the advocates
of parties, sections, interests, creeds. Oh, I think one of the
most terrible things in our common life is just this frightful
notion that there are none among us worthy of intellectual
confidence and trust. Yes, and we sometimes go even further
than this, and when a man appears before us discussing
public policy we busy ourselves intalking scandal about him
behind his‘ back, and think that we have answered him by
whispering malicious lies and idle gossip. He has a right
to judgment on his thought, and all'we give him is sneer
or shrug about his character. V ‘
Where then shall be found the place ofunderstanding;
where -go that judgment ‘may be given upon the issues of
our common life? More than any other institution, it seems
to me, the school and college must assume the task. And
especially the liberal college must endeavor to become the
place when the common mind is made and molded.
tion, members of the militia, that they were not ‘at this
time contemplating joining the militia, is a sufficient
proof that they apprehended no danger. Yet they were
whooping it up for “Preparedness.” What did it mean?
It meant that they had been dragooned into that
line. The word had gone from Wall Street to all the
commercial and professional groups of the city. They
had obeyed their masters’ voice, and had passed on the
word to their employees. And what a joy it must have
been to the master classes to see ,their slaves obey!
Here was a stroke accomplished for Capitalism, too--
for the Super-Capitalism which is slowly and remorse-
lessly fastening its hold on the reinswhich guide the
multitudes of once-proud American, citizens. There
were men there who opposed “Preparedness.” There
were men, thousands of them, who resented the thing
they must do. But one and all they did it. Refusal
meant the loss of a job. The fearful power of those
who dispose of the "means of livelihood was displayed
at its’ most fearful pitch. And these were American
freemen! , . , . z - .
These were ‘the American freemen who had read
that the police power of their city was tapping what-
ever telephone wire they pleased. These were the free-
'men who had read of the preparations the police were
making to handle riots. Whatriots? It was not stated
directly; it was left to be understood that the riots
indicated were those which were to break out when
war was declared on Germany. ‘These were the Ameri-
cans who had seen their government shame itself be-
fore the world by threatening Germany with war for
the folly of Americans who went where death lurked,
while it merely paid compliments to England for
destroying American commerce, opening’ American
mails, violating American neutrality, seizing American
ships and blockading American ports. These were the
Americans who had not protested againstthese things.
Now they were reaping their reward.‘ The whip of
Wall Street cracked, and they had to fall in line to
parade for the great and terrible godjingo. ’
. These are strange things. in a Democracy. These
are terrible things. Is the dream of the Fathers of this
Republic fading before ourteyesi‘ v