Activate Javascript or update your browser for the full Digital Library experience.
Next Page
OCR
A JOURNAL OF IRISH NEWS, IRISH OPINION AND IRISH LITERATURE, PUBLISHED IN THE
BS
INTEREST OF AN INDEPENDENT JRELAN:
VOL. 1. NO. 12.
THE IRISH PRESS—PHILADELPHIA, JUNE 8,1918.
PRICE, FIVE CENTS
GREAT MEETING IN
BALLAGHADERREEN
Sinn Feiners and Home Rulers Unite to Protest Against
Common Danger—Contingents From Different Districts
in Mayo March to the Meeting—Republican Banners
and the Green Flag With the Harp Interspersed
The following account of the great
meeting at Ballaghaderreen, which
was addressed ‘by Mr. John Dillon
and Professor De Valera, is taken
from the Freeman’s Journal, which
ig tthe official organ of Mr. Dillon's
party:
“No blood-tax” was the message
sent 'to all concerned from the great
anti-conscription demonstration held
in Balllaghederreen on Sunday. The
message was delivered under circum-
stamees that could leave no doubt as
to the united will and determination
of ‘the people to make their declara-
tion good if the British Government
proceed to put it to the test.
Probably never in the history of
Ireland’s national activities has there
been such a dramatically striking
demonstration of earnest umity. Any-
thing from ten to fifteen thousand
people, drawn from all parts of East
Mayo ana the adjoining districts, and
reprasenting the most extreme differ-
ences of political view, assembled in
the square to demonstrate their en-
thusiastic Joyalty to the unity in lead-
ership represented by Mr. Dillon and
Mr. EB. de Valera, side by side on the
platform, and to proclaim, too, on
their own behalf, their practical part
in showing the strength of a united
country, and its power to meet and de-
feat the common menace. The demon-
stration was altogether unique in its
immediate circumstances, as it is
destined to be historic in tits national
significance.
A Lead Worth Following
‘The local committee responsible for
the organization of ‘ihe gathering,
and the presence’ of Mr. Dillon and
Mr. de Valera as principal speakers,
have every reason to be proud of the
work they imaugurated. They gave
a lead that it is certain the country
will follow. Their efforts were in-
spirdd with the punpose of doing more
than lip service to the unity of Ire-
land, and-having regard to the sharp
divisions which loca? feeling has suf-
fered from alll over Ireland, they risk-
ed something in ‘the shaping of Sun-
day's great demonstration. They real-
ly adventured imto an untried sphere,
for the outlook and the spirit of the
“Mansion House Conference could
hardly ‘have been expected to have
permeated every phase of local
thought and submerged all local con-
flict of opinion so completely as the
demonstration proved in fact. The
promoters of the meeting trusted the
good sense and the sound instinct of
common patriotism in the people with
results that exceeded their most san-
guine ‘expectations—results that must
contribute in this actite hour of
crisis tothe shaping and making of
national, if mot of international his-
tory.
‘The lesson of the great united meet-
ing must inevitably Jeave its impress
on the future course of events in the
relations between England and Ire-| ranks,
land, amd in doing that must exercise
a world-wide mission and effect.
Priests and People: Youth and Age
Unity uot only in its outward forms
and expression, was demonstrated,
but unity of patriotic spirit, solidarity
of purpose, and tthe will to maintain
it against all attacks im whatever
form. The marching and parades
with bands and banners-through the
streets, the great massing in the
square of men and women, many of
whom had walked wearying miles
from remote parts of the country, the
mingling banners and flags around
the platform, all had*their imspira-
tion not in the desire for any spectac-
ular display, but in the convictions of
those who worked and took part.
In the demonstration priests and
people. youth and age, all combined
to publicly declare their determina-
tion to resist the imposition of the
blood-tax.
‘The Bishop's Letter
In a letter read at the meeting the
Bishop of Achonry, in effect, took his
stand with the people, giving to their
pledge of patriotic endeavor the sanc-
tion of the Church in pursuance of
the pronouncement already made by
the ‘whole hierarchy.
‘The meeting was timed to begin at
4 o'clock, but several hours before
that contingents were arriving in the
town fnom éhe outside districts. Each
contingent was accothpanied by bands
and banners, and flags were every-
where in evidence, Besides the lead-
ing bamners of the U. I. League and
Sinn Fein branches, some of which
were very handsome, all the con-
tingents carried banners bearing in-
scriptions, such as “No conscription,”
“No blood-tax,” ete. As these passed
through tHe streets in processional
array the efféct was very striking.
The Sinn Fein sections carried their
own colors, and the Nationalists dis-
played green flags with the harp.
The most favored inscription on these
was “No Blood Tax,” and prolonged
cheering greeted their appearance
everywhere,
“Stand United”
Sinn Fein and Nationalist flags float-
ed from the windows in all parts of
the town, and at different points lead-
ing into the square colors with the
scroll “Cead mille feilte’ and “No
Conscription” were suspended across
the streets. ,
The platform was erected near the
féotpath at the highest part of the
square, over the front being the in-
scription “No Conscription—Stand
United,” expressing im this the whole
spirit and purpose of the day. The
platform was flanked ‘by the National
and Sinn Fein flags, and during the
progress of the meeting the benners
of the contingents were all massed
in the vicinity. There were no resolu-
tions submitted. The pledged faith
of the people was already expressed
in more effective form by their pres-
ence and by the determinetion it ex-
pressed.
It would be quite impossible to give
any nearly accurate estimate of the
proportions of the assemblage when
the proceedings of the meeting proper
began. The square was densely
packed, and the streets abutting on
it were also crowded. Probably close
on 15,000 people were present.
No Extra Police
An unspoken, but none the less ex-
pressive, tribute was paid to the
demonstration and those responsible
for it by the police authorities. No
extra constables were placed in the
streets or draifted into the district,
and throughout the day a couple of
policemen on duty found that order
was so well maintained that their
own official responsibilities were nil.
Despite ithe fact that the streets were
filled to congestion with people for
the greater part of the day, the con-
duct and good order of the crowds
was exemplary. Not a single untoward
incident marred the perfection of the
order maintained throughout.
The country contingents marched
through the streets, their bands play-
ing national airs, and finally massed
in the Square. When the proceedings
concluded they played: through the
town, and, without ‘breaking up their
, marched away to their own
districts, cheered ‘by enthusiastic
crowds along the way.
The Defense Fund
During the morning, earnest of the
people's practical faith in the cause
and the determination to maintain it
was given. At all the Masses collec-
tions in aid of the defense fund were
taken outside the church, and the
proceeds amounted to nearly 800
pounds. There were a number of big
subscriptions, but the people of all
classes gave generously.
The first of the country contingents
arrived in the town shortly before 2
o'clock. A big deputation from Bally-
mote and Kiltreevan, marching four
deep, and with striking green banners,
inscribed, “No blood-tax,” was among
the first to arrive, beimg followed by
a Sinn Fein section from Edmonds-
town, Both parties were accompan-
ied by bands, and paraded the streets.
The Killaturley contingent, with a
handsome banner and band, arrived
about the same time. Within the next
hour all the main roads leading imto
the town poured an almost constant
stream of contingents into the
squares, which rapidly became a
great expanse of waving banuers, with
massed bands playing national sirs.
The various sections marching
through the streets met and passed
each other amid an uproar of rally-
(Continued on Bighth Page)
NORWAY'S
INDEPENDENCE
A Parallel for Ireland—America
-| ~ HERTZOGS POLICY
Republican Propaganda to be
Stopped
Expected to Play Part in Irish | CONSTITUTIONAL ACTION
Independence That England
‘Played in That of Norway
(From Nationality, Dublin.)
(From the Freeman's Journal.)
General Hertzog addressed a meet-
ing of his constituents at Smithfield,
Obliviousness of international law, Orange Frée State, on Saturday.
and practice makes a rapidly vantsne
ing section of faint-hearted Irishmen,
suggest thet it would be too com-|
plicated, too wearisome, a task for the}
Powers of Europe to devise a chartor|
of independence for a country like
Ireland, with its previous political!
fortunes so closely hound up with
those of a stronger neighbor. Such
a document, they imagine, would have
to bristle with complications, guard.
the designs’ of its signatories with a
thousand legal formalities, and pex-
haps be as deviously insidious as a
British “government of Ireland act.”
‘The powers could not be expected to
take the trouble. |
No such idea is justified. The.
procedure would be simplicity itself
—provided only that the powers
ruling the roost have made up their
minds, and that Ireland has not only
made up its mind, but shown it to be,
made up. That is provéd by the latest
precedent (of independence conferred
by intervention of the powers)—in the
ease of an overruled, outvoted nation
caught in a bogus political “union.”
This was a case occurring no later
than 1907, the case of Norway's inde-
pendence of Sweden, ini
wish as a nation, but actually effected
without bloodshed by four powers
only indirectly concerned in the dis-
pute. These liberating powers were
Germany, France, England (nominatly
Great Britain and Ireland), and Rus-|
si
a.
It was edifying then to Irishmen
to see England engaged in that noble
work, it is sweet to us ow to reflect|
that England did so in co-operation
with those particular powers.
Norway’s resulting charter of inde-
pendence is perhaps the brightest
document of similar tmportance in
Europe’s diplomatic record. It takes
up less than a page in the series of|
“state papers” printed and issued by
the foreign office, which any one in
Dublin may consult for himself in the
National Library. Ask for Vol. 100,
and open it at page 536. There you
will see the text (in French) of this
charter of liberty,-known officially as
“The treaty of Christiania, November}
2, 1907, guaranteeing the indepen-
dence and integrity of Norway.” {t
put a stop to imminent bloodshed and
rewarded the long and painful strug-
gle of Norway’s intransigeant Sinn
Feinidhe, a struggle carried on with:
resolution through trying years, dur-
ing which the peoples of Europe were
scarcely allowed to become aware
that such potent fires slumbered be-
neath old Norway's age-worn, vol-
canic surface.
(Continued. on Eighth Page)
| tions,
General Hertzog, who had a most
cordial reception, ascribed recent
Ministerial references to Kruger’s
famous remark about “waiting; till the
tortoise put out its head” to the gov-
ernment’s desire to take active steps
against the Nationalists.
General Hertzog warned the people
against violence, laying stress on the
point that the salvation of the coun-
try lay along constitutional lines.
“The Day of Small Nations”
This, he said, was the day of
small nations, and he was prepared
to take Mr. Lloyd George and Presi-
dent Wilson at their word and accept
their promise of sacred liberty and
right,
He denied that South Africa al-
ready had liberty, and he believed
that before long many thousands of
: English-speaking Africanders would
agree with the Nationalists.
“The Empire Idea” *
Love of empire, he continued, could
not in the Jong run close its eyes
to the value of liberty. The empire
idea had run its course with all na-
Empire and the liberty of
small nations were incompatible, for
the word (empire) itself suggested
thraldom,
He could appreciate the attitude
of English-speaking South Africans.
They were concerned with one of the
greatest wars the world had ever seen.
There was hardly one who had: not
lost a relative, and they lived in a
state of continuous tension.
.No Republican Propaganda
He did not wish to hurt their sus-
ceptibilities, and therefore declared
that he must refrain from active re-
publican propaganda. He pointed out
that the Dutch-speaking South Afri-
cans were already pro-Republicans,
and that propaganda would sim-
ply drive the English-speaking, South
Africans from them. Therefore he
considered that such propaganda was
unwise.
United, Bat Free
Republican propaganda, General
Hertzog declared, must not be con-
fused with objections to Imperialism.
Republicanism meant that they want-
ed to get rid of the King, and anti-
Tperialism meant that they only
wanted a South African Parliament,
while acknowledging the King,
“No Empire Parliament”
He declared that attempts to place
South Africa under an Empire Parlia-
Continited on Fifth Page {
(From New Ireland, April
Passed by Censor.)
27, as
Sir Frederick Smith, now an orna-
ment of the British Government, and
one of the pillars upon which the
British Empire rests, had some eight
years ago leanings towards contin-
gent rebellion. In one of his “sedi-
tious” speeches be told the Parliament
of which he was a member: “You
can vote, but you connot enforce; you
man make an act, but not a fact.” In
these days when weare faced with the
conscription of our youth to fight Eng-
land’s fights we can echo with all
sincerity the words of the Right
Honorable Sir Frederick ©. Smith,
Attorney General of England. We
doubt that when the Right Honorable
gentleman used the words he was
sincere; in fact, we believe he was
not in the least sincere. He was like
Lord Randolph Churchill when he
said, “Ulster will fight and Ulster will
be right.” The Ulster crowd, accord-
ing to Lord Randolph, cheered fran-
tically and very much disturbed his
speech. Smith is the same as Lord
Randolph Churchill; the phrase is the
thing. He has, however, lived to see
a time when the words he used may
be acted upon. The British Parlia-
ment has placed upon its statute book
an act making every Irishman ‘be-
tween the ages of 18 and 55 liable to
compulsory military sefvice in the
present war, and in the interest of the
British Empire. A new-agt has joined
the Government of Ireland act, 1914,
upon the statute book of Great Britain.
They are both dependent upon som:
thing called Orders in Council to give
them life. No Order in Council
breath of life will ever infuse the
Government of Ireland act, 1914. *
is dead—very dead—and has been
deserted by even its best friends, So
far as we are concerned, the other
act, signed by George V. on Thurs-
day last, is dead also. Thé military
service act was-born dead, so far as
Irelend is concerned, and no Order
in Council, no royal proclamation,
nor other method of modern artificial
respiration can make it live. No act
of the British Parliament can coi
script Irishmen; that is the solemn
fact; and no Order in Council can
make it otherwise. All the King’s
horses and all the King's men will
not, cannot, make British soldiers out
of unwilling Irishmen. “There will
be trouble in Ireland, I am told,” said
Lloyd George, in one of his speeches,
and he continued, “I know there will.”
Tt is just as well to be prepared for
emergencies, so Lloyd George is pre-
pared. To make service palatable for
the 50-year old Englishman the con-
3
ENGLISH ACT NOT AN IRISH FACT
Conscription Was Stillborn, as No Act Can Make British
Soldiers Out of Irishmen—treland’s Case Similar to
That of Other Nations—British Hypocrisy and
British Democracy
By ANDREW E. MALONE
Scription of Irishmen had to be at-
tempted, That is the secret. Eng-
land demands our blood. In reality
We think that it is only “patriotic”
Englishmen like .Lloyd George who
can either see or understand the dif-
ference. It is very clear to us, any-
how, that we are not the arbiters cf
our country’s destiny. An English
lawyer calls himself the representa-
tive of Ireland in Britain’s now pseudo
Parliament at Westminster, We have
no identity of interests with our
plunderer. The prey has no identity
of interest with the shark that de-
vYoured him until he becomes a part
of the shark's carcass, So far Ire-
land has not become part of Greit
Britain, either physically or mentally,
materially or spiritually, and we may
say for our countrymen that we have
neither the inclination nor the desire
to be so incorporated. On the con-
trary we will to be ourselyes,
We desire to be‘eurselves, to live
our own life, without any extraneous
influences, and because we desire this
we must insist upon a recognition
of our desire. To forego our desire
means the death of the Irish natios.
Our nation must live. That is our de-
termination. It must be free, that 1s
our resolve. From our point of view,
therefore, the proposal of the British
Government to conscript us for its
army is the height’of impudence. And
to talk at us, as Lloyd George talked
at us, about “smalt Catholic nations,”
is merely the lowest depths of
hypocrisy. The only small nation in
which we are vitally concerned is our
own, and though we may have sym-
pathy for others, we are not in a
Position to undertake any quixotic
enterprises. We can realize much
more strongly than Lloyd George tie
Sufferings of Belgium, of Serbia, of
Rumania, We know what it means
to be at the mercy of a mighty tyrant.
We know all these things from Water-
ford in 1170 to other cities at a much
more recent date. In the face of that/
long hist6ry of suffering, of spoliation,
of tyranny, of bloodshed, Lloya George
has the pluck to talk of the sufferings
of Belgium. We pity the Belgians, as
We pity the Serbs and the Rumanians,
and we hope that they can pity us.
They have to face btute force. But
with them force does not masquerade
as a deliverer. These little nations
must face force; we must face force,
and in addition we must face hypv--
crisy. And bypocrisy all the more
dangerous because those who utter
it really believe they utter truth. This
war for the rights of the little nations
is the greatest fraud in all history
England does not understand all that
evidently, jot even the English Labor
party, ‘ich suspended its peace
yt
& SCENE AT BALLAGHADERREEN
MEETING
Copyright by Underwood & Underwood.
it is, of course, very
true that if the enslaved nation be
situated afar off, or better still, if i
be kept enslaved by an enemy of Eng-
land, the great heart of England wit
Swell with pride as‘she sets out te
liberate the slave by making her an
English colony. The tears of the
fraud called British democracy may
be shed very copiously for any or
every cause, but that does not mean
that the great fraud ever intends to
do anything. Rebels and liberators
from every part of the world have
been defrauded by England. They
thought England would help them to
do something; instead the great
British democracy said: “Behold how
very free, tolerant and liberal wo
are; we allow fellows like Kropotkin
to live within our country.” That
is really the extent of the British
passion for freedom. The inhabitants
of England like to think that a bold.
bad Nohiliist can live in Englang and
be quite a respectable citizen. They
haveetried over and over again to
make us “happy English children,” yet
we are not yet either happy or Eng-
lish, though many centuries ‘have
elapsed since the first attempt was
made. The plantations by England
in Ireland became the mode for Ger-
many in Poland. Yet how the great
British press shrieked. Is it not a
mercy that neither knew nothing of
the history of.their own country in its
Irish policy? Truly, there are times
when to be ignorant is to be blissful.
(Continued on Bighth Page)